试论国民党抗日游击战场

八年抗战,既有正面战场,也有游击战场。通常的说法是:国民党军队只在正面战场作战,而共产党则在敌后开展游击战场。其实,这种说法并不完全符合事实。实际情况是:国民党军队既在正面战场作战,也在敌后进行游击战争;国民党对日作战,既包括正面战场,也包括敌后游击战场。本文拟对所接触的若干材料,对国民党游击战场进行初步探索。     

略论国民党敌后抗日游击战之兴衰

抗日战争时期,不仅共产党领导开展了广泛的敌后游击战,国民党军也进行过敌后游击战争,其游击武力最高时达100万人。但由于国民党既抗战又反共,因此,国民党敌后游击战对于整个抗日战局,既有积极作用又有消极作用。国民党敌后游击战,经历了一个由兴起、发展到衰落的过程。特别是后期,出现了大批游击武力投降日伪的活动,给抗日战争带来很大损失。     

抗战时期中国共产党对日军事战略方针的演变

八年抗战,在中国共产党军事斗争史上具有重大意义。中国共产党以数万装备简陋之师,坚持抵抗数十万装备精良的日本侵略军于敌后艰苦环境之中,并不断发展壮大,其对日军事斗争方针无疑是成功的。中共形成行之有效的军事斗争方针,并不是一个一蹴而就,一成不变的过程。从抗战开始到战争结束,由于国内外政治军事形势以及随之而来的具体作战条件和敌我友三者关系的复杂变化,中共对日军事斗争方针也有一个随着对战争实践认识的不断深入而逐渐变化的过程。     

抗战胜利前后国共日三方互动关系研究

抗战结束前夕,中日双方的军事较量与日本在大局不利时“和平”解决中国问题之企图以及中国内部国共双方着眼于战后之角力相交织,展现出国共日三方互动关系之错综复杂的图景。日军已无法改变其所处之总体被动状况;国民党在局部战场的作战表现有了改观,同时力图遏制中共的扩张;中共向南方敌后发展的军事战略和推动民主联合政府运动的政治战略取得了相当成效。就国共日三方互动关系而言,国共合作对日,国方重正规军事,但因实力所限未有重大进展,中共重敌后蚕食,因广大空间而如鱼得水;日本对国民党的军事压力与政治诱惑并举,同时亦不放弃利用国共矛盾以渔利。日本投降后,国民党虽在战后接收中得到了投降日军的合作与支持,但并未能实现其遏制中共扩张之企图;中共有了较之以往更为有利的态势与国民党争夺中国的主导权,并以其正确的战略战术而成为这场战争最大的赢家;最先发动这场战争的日本则成了最大的输家,以其无条件投降而结束了多年侵华的历史。     

要重视对国民党抗日游击战场的研究

要重视对国民党抗日游击战场的研究韩信夫１９８９年１０月,在卢沟桥纪念馆举办的抗日战争史学术讨论会上,我宣读了论文《国民党抗日游击战场初探》,提出八年抗战时期＂国民党军队既在正面战场作战,也在敌后进行游击战争;国民党对日作战战场,既包括正面战场,也包括...     

中共抗战持久的“三驾马车”:游击战、根据地、正规军

抗战时期,中共坚持敌后抗战,成功达成持久抵抗的目标,完成自身的生存发展。中共的敌后持久抵抗,游击战、根据地、正规军构成互为作用的"三驾马车",而党政军民一体化形成的总体战则是基础中的基础,在多种要素的相互影响中,持久抵抗的链条得以形成、运转。中共在抗战中的成功,是实践中不断摸索的产物,得来不易,展现了领导者战略和政略上非同一般的高度。     

“桂系三雄”与国民党抗日游击战

"桂系三雄"在抗战时期提出的游击战,与中共的游击战,可谓"英雄所见略同"。但两者毕竟不能等同,特别是在依靠民众这一基本点上。在全民族的抗日战争中,以毛泽东为代表的中国共产党人将游击战提升到战略高度,领导和组织了抗日敌后游击战。同时,国民党蒋介石也基于战争的需要,谋划和实施了对日游击战。其中,新桂系三雄———李宗仁、白崇禧、黄绍竑,对于国民党抗日游击战方针的确     

山西国民党抗日游击战研究概述

抗战时期的国民党敌后游击战,直到20世纪80年代中期才开始引起学术界的关注,迄今为止仍是中国抗日战争研究中一个极其重要的薄弱环节,特别是关于山西的国民党敌后游击战的研究成果更少。本文主要介绍研究山西国民党敌后游击战的概况,包括海外、大陆、台湾的概况。     

抗战时期长江流域国民政府海军敌后游击战

武汉会战后,长江中下游地区为日军占领,而此时国民政府海军舰艇仅存十余艘内河炮舰。面对此种局面,国民政府海军总司令陈绍宽提出除在长江上游坚持防御作战外,抽调海军主力到长江中下游敌占区开展水雷游击战。1940年1月,海军成立长江布雷游击队,随即赴敌后开展游击战,揭开了海军游击战的序幕。全面抗战期间,国民政府海军布雷游击队屡建战功,牵制、消耗了日本海军力量,破坏了日军长江水道交通,配合了陆军作战,拱卫了陪都重庆的安全,增强了民族抗战的自信心,推动了战争胜利的进程。     

全面抗战时期八路军作战原则探析

从全面抗战爆发至1941年,对敌后作战原则问题,中共高层存在看法上的微妙差异。毛泽东虽然不排斥运动战,但显然更坚持游击战的方针,彭德怀等人则在游击战外,更加强调运动战的必要性。正因此,1941年前八路军在作战上不可免地带有一些运动战色彩。前方所以长期重视运动战,关键在于很长时期没有完全摸清日军战斗力的底。而毛泽东所以信赖游击战,却对前方的运动战予以包容,和没有完全摸清日军战斗力的底也不无关系。随着百团大战结束,中共高层普遍意识到此时与日军进行过多、过大规模运动战尚不现实。1941年底,坚持游击战的方针成为共识。     

Review Article: Hot War,Cold War,New War

STANLEY KARNOW. Vietnam, A History. New York: Penguin, 1984. Pp. xi, 752. $10.95 (US); GABRIEL KOLKO. Anatomy of a War: Vietnam, The United States, and the Modern Historical Experience. New York: Pantheon Books, 1985. Pp. xvi, 628. $25.00 (US); TIMOTHY J. LOMPERIS. The War Everyone Lost-and Won: America's Intervention in Vietnam's Twin Struggles. Baton Rouge and London: Louisiana State University Press, 1985. Pp. x, 192. $22.50 (US); R.B. SMITH. An International History of the Vietnam War: The Kennedy Strategy. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1985. Pp. xii, 429. $25.00 (US); HARRY O. SUMMERS, Jr. On Strategy: A Critical Analysis of the Vietnam War. New York: Dell, 1984. Pp. 288. $3.95 (US).     

Review Article: Total War or Traditional War

MICHAEL ADAMS. Napoleon and Russia. London and New York, NY: Hambledon Continuum, 2006. Pp. xxiii, 596. $34.95 (US); ROY ADKINS and LESLEY ADKINS. The War for All the Oceans: From Nelson at the Nile to Napoleon at Waterloo. London: Little Brown, 2006. Pp. xxix, 534. £10.9g, paper; ALESSANDRO BARBERO. The Battle: A New History of Waterloo, trans. John Cullen. New York, NY: Walker & Company, 2005. Pp. xii, 340. $16.00 (US), paper; DAVID A. BELL. The First Total War: Napoleon's Europe and the Birth of Warfare as We Know It. Boston, MA and New York, NY: Houghton Mifflin, 2007; dist. Markham, ON: Thomas Allen. Pp. x, 420. $39.95 (CDN); CHARLES ESDAILE. Napoleon's Wars: An International History, 1803–1815. London: Allen Lane, Penguin, 2007. Pp. xvii, 621. $55.00 (CDN); ROBERT HARVEY. The War of Wars: The Epic Struggle between Britain and France, 1723–1815. London: Constable & Robinson, 2006. Pp. xxx, 962. £10.00, paper; FREDERICK W. KAGAN. The End of the Old Order: Napoleon and Europe, 1801–1805. Cambridge, MA: De Capo Books, 2006. Pp. xxiv, 774. $40.00 (US); MICHAEL V. LEGGIERE. The Fall of Napoleon: I: The Allied Invasion of France, 1813–1814. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Pp. xvii, 686. $35.00 (US); THIERRY LENTZ. Nouvelle histoire du Premier Empire: II: L'effondrement du système napoléonien, 1810–1814. Paris: Fayard, 2007. Pp. 835. €30.00, paper; ADAM ZAMOYSKI. Rites of Peace: The Fall of Napoleon and the Congress of Vienna. London: HarperCollins, 2007. Pp. xviii, 634. £25.00. Reviewed by Philip G. Dwyer     

Stanner's War

The Pacific War and its aftermath were a turning point in William Edward Hanley Stanner's career. Until then, he had struggled to establish himself as a scholar and seemed destined to stay, like many other Australian scholars, within the orbit of British academia and its colonial empire. Almost immediately after war had been declared, Stanner returned to Australia, working in various capacities and, in May 1942, commanding the North Australia Observer Unit. In October 1943, he was transferred to the Australian Army's Directorate of Research and Civil Affairs (DORCA). Members of the Directorate saw themselves at the forefront of progressive reform in Australian colonial policy. Stanner opposed what he considered the grandiose plans for a post-war Papua New Guinea that were hatched by the DORCA ‘boys’, as they called themselves. By the end of the 1940s, however, control over policy was firmly in the hands of the civil bureaucracy and the new Minister for Territories, Paul Hasluck. Any influence that may have accrued to either Stanner or to the idealism of the ‘boys’ in the Directorate was lost.     

Review Article: Nordic Exceptions in War and Cold War

PHILIP GILTNER. ‘In the Friendliest Manner’: German-Danish Economic Cooperation during the Nazi Occupation of 1940–1949. New York: Peter Lang, 1998. Pp. xii, 258. $49.95 (US); T. MICHAEL RUDDY, ed. Charting an Independent Course: Finland's Place in the Cold War and in US Foreign Policy. Claremont: Regina Books, 1998. Pp. 223. $32.95 (US), cloth; $14.95 (US), paper; MAX JAKOBSON. Finland in the New Europe. Westport: Praeger, 1998. Pp. xiv, 176. $19.95 (US), paper; TEIJA TIILIKAINEN. Europe and Finland: Defining the Political Identity of Finland in Western Europe. Aldershot and Brookfield: Ashgate, 1998. Pp. 185. $68.95 (US). Reviewed by Thomas Munch-Petersen     

Wages of War: Manufacturing Nationalism During World War II

Abstract: During World War II the state created a new and deeper set of relationships with defense contractors. These contractors manufactured the vast majority of war materials and relied extensively on the state for financing. These same contractors also encouraged workers and civilians to understand their every minute action as contributing to the war effort. In order to fully integrate workers’ and civilians’ lives into the war effort, the state and industry created and distributed a war wage—a sense of contribution, national belonging, and sacrifice. In this paper I analyze the wartime records of the Westinghouse Electric and Manufacturing Company in order to understand how the state and industry created the war wage alongside the military–industrial complex. With the help of the war wage, the state and industry radically expanded the production of war materials and enlisted a more compliant population of workers and civilians into the war effort.