旧金山媾和前后日本政治资源重组与结构演变

美国对日占领期间,日本社会政治结构初步完成军国主义法西斯政体向欧美议会民主政治的转型。在此期间,日本社会内各种政治资源经过重组,形成保守型政治势力和革新型政治势力,最终以“55年体制”方式完成日本战后政治结构的改造。     

外刊摘要

英国《新政治家》2月26日封面文章违宪危机2015年5月,英国将举行国会下院第五十六次大选。此次大选如果没有一个党派在议会中占有绝对多数席位,英国或陷入混乱和危机。英国国会大选是英国民主政治的载体,行政机关的组成应体现民意。但2010年的大选就暴露出问题:工党和保守党均未能取得超过国会下院半数的议席,保守党不想成立少数派政     

战后英国共识政治的成因

共识政治是战后英国政党政治史的一个显著特点 ,其成因不止一端。第三次科技革命的兴起导致英国社会经济结构的变化和中产阶级迅速崛起 ,并由此导致轮流上台执政的两党领导集团阶级属性的趋同 ,此为共识政治产生的根本原因。凯恩斯主义和第二次世界大战为共识政治的产生提供了理论基础和推动力。英国议会民主的宪政体制则是战后共识政治产生的制度保障     

吉田茂与旧金山体制

吉田茂是日本最有影响的政治家和外交家之一。战后他曾五次组阁,时间共达七年又两个月之久。由于他对创建战后日本保守政治,起了举足轻重的作用,因此,一直被日本国內外的学者认为是战后日本保守政治的始祖。     

撒切尔政府社会政策改革的历史语境

<正>二战后的英国由于经历了1930年代的全球性经济危机和两次世界大战的冲击,因此基本处于瘫痪状态,物资匮乏,经济停滞,失业率飙升,人民生活困苦不堪。而自17世纪以来英国所形成的社会福利体系也濒临瓦解,深陷失业和贫困泥潭的英国人民对社会政策改革的呼声非常强烈。1945年工党在大选中取得胜利。为实现自己的政治抱负,艾德礼政府提出要以《贝弗里奇报告》为蓝图,"战后共识"为基准,建立面向全体英国国民的从"摇篮到坟墓"式的社会     

NSC-1号系列文件与美国对意大利政治的强势干预

1948年4月意大利大选是意大利共产党通过议会民主途径重返政府的一个重要契机。为了阻止意大利共产党再次入阁,在意大利建立并维持一个反共、亲美和所谓的民主政府,美国政府第一次动用了国家安全委员会(NSC),出台了NSC-1号系列文件,确立了美国对意大利政治干预的政策目标、指导方针和具体手段,最终在意大利建立了亲美的中右翼政权。在这次干预行动中,美国国家安全委员会扮演了独特而至关重要的角色。     

雅典执政官任用程序的历史考察

执政官曾是雅典权重一时的官员,但是在大约300年的时间里,它的任用程序几次发生变化,由最初的贵族议会直接任命最终发展为民主式的抽签选举,在此过程中,其政治影响和地位也发生了戏剧性变化,从城邦最高官员沦落为普通公民都可担任的职务.整个过程实际体现了雅典由贵族政治向民主政治的逐渐过渡,因此是雅典政治民主化的缩影.     

《新历史教科书》与战后日本国家的历史认识

本对2001年4月3日由日本部科学省审定“合格”获得通过的《新历史教科书》歪曲历史事实、美化侵略战争、宣扬错误史观、掩饰日本国家侵略罪恶。进而反映战后日本国家错误历史认识的表述和企图进行了分析和评论,并试图对日本国家错误的历史认识的形成原因进行初步的探讨。章认为：战后日本社会对其侵略历史的错误认识,是有着历史基础、思想基础、国际环境基础和经济基础的,是与战后几次国际政治格局的重大变化、美国对日本的单独占领和不久之后其对日政策的改变以及日美同盟关系的确立和固化、战后国际社会对日本战争罪行和军国主义思想的清算不彻底、战后日本国家在与周边国家的关系重建过程中对各种有利因素的充分利用、战后日本国内经济的恢复及其经济大国地位的确立、近期日本国内大国主义思潮的盛行及经济状况的不景气和政治局面的动荡,以及亚洲邻国对日本这种趋势发生发展的相对无力的应对等等诸多方面的因素之间存在着极其密切的关系。     

普选运动的复活

开头语这篇文章是我正在撰写的普通选举制度形成史的一节。从本世纪初到第一次世界大战以及原敬内阁时期,以普选为焦点的第十四次总选举的情况,我已分别在《大正民主研究》 (青木书店,一九六六)和《第一次大战后的普选运动》(井上清编《大正时期的政治和社会》岩波书店,一九六九年)中作了论述。至于以后时期的情况,在《大正民51号)、《政党主时期的政治过程》(《日本史研究》政     

世界上最难的工作——记上海市长吴国桢

吴国桢(1903—1984年)是中国现代史上的一位重要人物,1946年至1949年间曾任国民党政府上海市市长。本是当时一位美国记的采访稿,对了解吴的政治生涯和战后上海的社会政治风貌有一定帮助,故译出以飨学界。     

冷战后的日本共产党

本文总结了冷战后日本共产党理论路线调整的具体内容,阐释了日本共产党选举业绩的波动状况及原因,并指出日本共产党的政治在21世纪初期政党政治的演变中具有不可或缺的意义。     

KNOWING THE DEMOS

Concepts like voter and electorate are fundamental in all states practising democratic representation. However, the construction of these concepts following the introduction of universal suffrage is rarely studied. Swedish parliamentary debates on election statistics and sex-segregated ballots in 1921 and 1922 offer an illuminating opportunity to do that. Thus, this article argues that these key democratic concepts were in part constructed through the production of election statistics and in debates about what should be known about the respective political preferences of male and female citizens. Both sides in the debates emphasized sex as a fundamental category for understanding voters. But the debates also feature incompatible ways of representing the electorate – as individuals, as a unified whole, and as target groups – entailing conflicting visions of democratic politics. Thus, rather than being solely remembered as attempts to denigrate women’s votes and hence limit democracy, these debates should be understood as ways of dealing with the conceptual implications universal suffrage.     

论中世纪晚期英国议会政治

在学术界,似乎有一个不证自明的定论,即：作为近代资本主义政治制度核心构件的议会政治是与中世纪封建社会无缘的。但事实上,在特定历史条件下,两也完全有可能联系在一起。英国由于在早期历史中形成了政治协商传统和初步成型的议会协商机制以及相应的社会化理念,从而为中世纪晚期出现议会政治奠定了必要的历史基础;但历史基础仅仅提供了议会政治早产的可能性,而将这种可能变为现实的决定性力量则是当时各种具体的特殊原因和个人因素构成的偶然机缘。换言之,中世纪晚期英国议会政治的早产是一种历史偶然现象。由此可见,偶然因素也是一种应当给予充分重视的历史决定性力量。     

Multi/Interdisciplinary investigations into Italy and World War I: An introduction

This introductory article details some of the main points that characterized Italian politics and culture in the period leading up to World War I and during the war itself, and then surveys the contributions of each article in this series that further investigates the period. The authors note the febrile nature of Italian domestic politics before the war which challenged traditional liberal parliamentarism. This political challenge was accompanied by a challenge to traditional art, and no movement epitomized these twin challenges to the old order like Futurism. Yet, though the Futurists and other nationalist groups glorified war and helped push Italy into the conflict, the country was hardly united. In fact, the hope was that war would finally unify the nation and erase the shame of Italy’s lackluster military performances since unification. As such, Italy’s cultural experience of the war was somewhat unique, in that the desire to prove its martial valor did not lead to the level of denunciations that other nations’ artists and writers produced – though there were some critics. Ialongo’s article traces the Futurist contribution to this pro-war ethic. Reich shows how the popularity of the Maciste alpino film during the war built upon this desire to unify the nation behind the war. And Palanti’s analysis of the post-war film Umanità notes that there were critics in Italy willing to challenge the cult of war.     

Transnational Constructors of Parliamentary Democracy in Swedish and Finnish Constitutional Controversies, 1917–1919

During the First World War, the legitimacy of established polities was challenged everywhere in Europe. Not only the combatant great powers but also smaller states witnessed a resurgence of constitutional disputes and competing ideological conceptualizations of revolution and reform, the will of the people, democracy, and parliamentarism. While these controversies primarily focused on the future of the national polities concerned, historical experiences and discourses accelerated by the war and the Russian Revolution were transnationally interconnected and contributed to discursive transfers between political cultures. Swedish and Finnish socialists were linked by their internationals, liberals were connected by transnational debates for and against ‘Western’ democracy and parliamentarism, and conservative politicians and academics were involved in ideologically oriented networks. This article reconstructs transnational links and discourses in order to understand the exceptionally confrontational dynamics (which, in Finland, partly led to a civil war) and the outcomes of the Swedish and Finnish constitutional debates in 1917–1919. It examines the nature of the transnational connections of eight Swedish and Finnish conservatives, liberals, revisionist socialists, and far-Left socialists, analysing their argumentation on constitutional questions in published works and parliamentary speeches as illustrative examples of the political groups they represented.     

Golden age,apathy or stealth? Democratic engagement in Britain, 1945–1950

This article revisits democratic engagement in post-war Britain in a context of debates about political disaffection in the current period. The study systematically reanalysed volunteer writing in the Mass Observation Archive and represents a significant methodological advance on previous studies. Little evidence was found to support common existing interpretations: whether ‘golden age’ narratives of deference to authority, partisan alignment and high voter turnout or revisionist accounts of apathy. Instead, evidence was found of something akin to what Hibbing and Theiss-Morse call ‘stealth democracy’. Citizens thought democracy to be important and felt a duty to vote, but wished for government by experts in the national interest. This ‘stealth’ interpretation builds on existing studies of duty, populism and expertise in twentieth-century Britain. It helps to move discussion of democratic engagement after the Second World War beyond the binaries of self/collective and private/public, and to explain the paradox of high voter turnout in a context of hostility to party politics. It also promises to inform debates about declining political support in the current period.     

Party Ideologies and Regional Inequality: An Analysis of Party Manifestos in Japan

ABSTRACT

Regional inequality within Japan has been a key political issue in Japanese politics throughout the entire postwar period. In this analysis, we examine how Japanese parties have positioned themselves on the question of regional inequality, focusing on how the party system response has been shaped by ideas and ideologies. The article analyses two 15-year periods separated by a quarter of a century (1960–75 and 2000–15) during which regional inequalities became a particularly salient and pressing issue. We compare institutional and socioeconomic contexts, broader governing ideas, and policy responses to this issue by major parties in their election platforms (manifestos). We find that party ideology and broader paradigms continued to shape party responses to regional inequality during both periods.     

The “Chinese World Order” Encounters the “East Asian World Order”— Post-War Japanese Historians’ Debates on the Tribute System

In this paper, I trace the post-war Japanese genealogy of studies on China’s tribute system (imperial China’s relatively tolerant approach to its foreign relations) in relation to the English-language work of historian John King Fairbank (1907–91). I emphasize that, together with the sporadic Chinese studies into China’s tribute system prior to the 1950s, it was the post-war research of Japanese historians that inspired Fairbank, who, in turn, further stimulated critical debates on the topic in Japan. I first concentrate on post-war Japanese debates concerning an “East Asian world order” based on a “system of investiture/tribute.” This notion, developed by the Japanese historian Nishijima Sadao in 1962, precisely corresponds to Fairbank’s 1941 understanding of the “tribute system” or “Confucian world-order,” but contrasts with Fairbank’s later, controversial understanding of a “Chinese world order” as proposed in 1968. In the second part of this paper, I introduce Japanese historian Hamashita Takeshi’s 1980s and 1990s arguments on the “tribute trade system” as representative of the younger generation within this genealogy, contrasting it with the work of Immanuel Wallerstein and Andre Gunder Frank. In the third part, I locate this Japanese genealogy within the wider historical context of post-war Japanese intellectual cultural politics. This means that I examine Japanese historians’ arguments both from the angle of historiography and from the perspective of post-war Japanese intellectual history.     

Voting across ethnic lines in late Imperial Austria1

ABSTRACT. The Austrian party system, following the introduction of universal manhood suffrage in 1907, has conventionally been characterised as being divided along ethno‐national lines, reinforcing perceptions that politics within the Habsburg Empire was overwhelmingly driven by nationalism. However, the electoral results in a number of districts only make sense if one assumes that voters cast ballots for their alleged ethnic opponents. A systematic analysis of election results, utilising a simple process of elimination and drawing on the highly detailed statistical records available, strongly suggests that such voting was commonplace. Furthermore, alternative explanations based on differential voting qualification rates, errors in the census, and electoral fraud do not withstand close scrutiny. One must therefore conclude that although ethnic conflict did occur, it was paralleled by inter‐ethnic bargaining and compromise, thereby supporting more positive appraisals of Austrian electoral and parliamentary politics and of representative political institutions in ethnically divided societies.