审视功利主义

功利主义自边沁创立以来,后经密尔到斯马特再到布兰特等人的发展,功利主义的自身体系得以不断的发展和完善,功利主义的许多优点也不断的涌现了出来;功利主义除了一些鲜为人知优点外,它自身也存在许多缺陷和不足。     

当代功利主义对我国现阶段道德建设的启示

功利主义作为资本主义商品经济的反映,给我们展示了资本主义商品经济所面临的基本道德问题。它的产生和演变,凝结了资本主义商品经济秩序发展过程中道德问题上成功的经验和失败的教训。借鉴这些经验教训,有益于我们探讨和解决社会主义商品经济新秩序创造过程中的道德问题。     

梁启超论新民德与国民生计

梁启超在“新民说”中,借鉴西方社会经济理论,运用量化分析和经验实证方法,对于国民生计、国民职业与民德的关系进行了分析论述,指出“生计憔悴之逼迫”是造成国民道德腐败堕落的根本原因,并提出民德与国民生计的进步为正比关系,“生利”与“分利”是衡量民业价值的标准,使占人口半数强的分利之国民变为生利之国民是改造国民道德的一条途径等一系列新认识。这些认识开拓了从民生入手改造民德的新思路,也开启了用近代科学方法研究民德问题的新学理,给后人认识民生与民德问题提供了思想和学术上的启示。     

对当代旅游功利主义倾向的检视与批判

改革开放以来,我国旅游业获得蓬勃发展,但由于发展观念和发展导向上出现了一些偏差,导致旅游的功利主义倾向日益严重,旅游已经出现明显异化。文章对旅游功利主义倾向进行了检视与批判,追问了旅游的本质属性,呼唤对旅游主体的全面研究和旅游学研究的人文关怀。     

罗尔斯对功利主义的批判解读其正义逻辑

美国的罗尔斯是二十世纪西方最具影响力的政治哲学家,他在成名作《正义论》中阐述的伦理一政治原则博大精深,成为挽救资本主义制度的改良方案。功利主义在十九世纪就已具备成熟的思想体系,对法律以及政治方面的改革实践也产生不可忽视的影响。然而,随着西方社会问题的出现,功利主义显得力不从心。面对如此状况,罗尔斯完善了正义理论使其走向成熟。     

罗尔斯对功利主义的批判解读其正义逻辑

美国的罗尔斯是二十世纪西方最具影响力的政治哲学家,他在成名作《正义论》中阐述的伦理-政治原则博大精深,成为挽救资本主义制度的改良方案。功利主义在十九世纪就已具备成熟的思想体系,对法律以及政治方面的改革实践也产生不可忽视的影响。然而,随着西方社会问题的出现,功利主义显得力不从心。面对如此状况,罗尔斯完善了正义理论使其走向成熟。     

约翰·密尔对权力与干涉限度的思考——以密尔评论《接触性传染病法案》为中心

《接触性传染病法案》是英国政府在19世纪中后期管控性病传播的重要法案。密尔有关此法案的评述,他参与废除法案运动和争取女性选举权运动等社会行动,体现了他对该法案所关涉的权力与干涉限度问题的多维度思考,这远非“伤害原则”所能涵盖。密尔关注权力的形式与合法性之间的关系。他认为,医学权威无法为该法案提供合法性,围绕此观点的论述展现了他对权威、真理与个人判断之间关系的理解。在传染病防控的语境下,密尔并未划定权力干预个人自由的统一标准,而是在考虑到个人自由、道德提升、社会进步等情况下来判定干预界限,这是一种在情境中应用功利主义的做法。密尔对法案执行和废除法案运动的观察,推进了他对女性争取选举权意义的认知和两性共同治理的构想。通过解读密尔关于该法案的评述,可丰富、深化甚至修正我们对于密尔某些核心政治理念的理解,启迪我们在公共卫生语境中如何看待权力与干涉限度等问题。     

力求平衡的自由主义——密尔政治思想中的自由与功利原则

密尔作为推动自由主义从近代向现代转型的政治思想家在自由主义思想史上具有举足轻重的地位。但有批评者指出其思想中的自由原则和功利原则存在不可调和的矛盾。纵观密尔的政治思想,他在努力实现二者的平衡。人的自主性和社会性使密尔摒弃了原子式个人主义,个人在促进自由的同时,对社会进步负有道德上的义务。尖锐的社会矛盾让密尔意识到二者平衡的必要性;功利原则的人性化和务实性使社会进步的同时个人自由也得到最大限度的维护,使二者平衡具有可能性;通过教育、精英人物的示范及重新认识政府的职能使这种平衡具有可行性。     

“个体性”的思想谱系——以约翰·密尔《论自由》文本为中心的考察

思想家如何组织文本,是思想史研究中的的重要内容。19世纪英国思想家约翰·密尔在撰写《论自由》时,便借用和转换了其他思想家的思想资源,来组织自己的文本。凭借这些思想资源,《论自由》文本才得以写就,并充满思想的力量。也正是在这种借鉴中,密尔和其他思想家的思想形成了一种内在关联和思想谱系。通过系统考察密尔所提及的一些思想家的思想内容,梳理这些思想谱系,将有助于把握《论自由》这一文本的组织方式,明晓文本产生的思想渊源,以及理解其思想的意义指向。     

西方幸福论的发展及演变问题的思考

从快乐主义、功利主义到消费主义,西方哲人关于幸福的认识也随之发展和变化,以下将对其进行简要的分析。     

The public moralist versus ethnocentrism: John Stuart Mill's French enterprise

This article connects Mill's experience with France and the French with his theoretical vindication of the significance of studying foreign cultures and peoples, and offers an assessment both of the way in which he applied his views on this matter to his life‐long connection with France and of the overall part this enterprise had in his conception of his role as one of the ‘moral teachers of England’. It is argued that, whatever the merits of Mill's theory of half‐truths might be with regard to a number of philosophical or epistemological controversies, his application of it in the realm of the disputes and misunderstandings between nations is defensible and commendable.     

约翰·密尔与社会主义

国内学界一般把约翰·密尔看做自由主义的杰出代表。而且,到目前为止还没有学者去试图把握他思想的全貌。实际上,密尔与社会主义思潮有相当密切的联系,但一些西方学者似乎又过高的估计了密尔思想中的社会主义的色彩。本文拟就密尔与社会主义思潮的关系作一简单梳理。     

John Stuart Mill and voluntary slavery contracts

Mill's unwillingness to support the enforcement of voluntary slavery agreements is problematically related to his strong anti‐paternalism. Working on the assumption that it is too simple to charge him with inconsistency, this paper examines several interpretations of his remarks, and explores some of the deeper motivations that may have influenced his position. Several features of his argument are emphasized: the fact that his opposition is to slavery contracts and not self‐enslavement as such; the weight he allows to ‘the necessities of life’ in determining what freedom‐limiting contracts to enforce; the way in which enforceable slavery agreements would undermine the presumption in favour of liberty; the problematic character of carte blanche consent, and the possibility this raises that enforcement could make the law a party to criminable harm. Although Mill's argument is too cryptic to be persuasive, it is too suggestive to be given the off‐handed treatment often meted out by his commentators.     

French radicalism through the eyes of John Stuart Mill

The paper attempts to highlight some under-researched aspects of the interaction between British and French radical political thinkers and activists during the period between the July Revolution of 1830 in France and the early years of the Third Republic. It focuses in particular on the decisive impact that the aftermath of the July Revolution of 1830 had for the perception of French politics by the most Francophile British radical, John Stuart Mill. In this context, Mill's astonishingly dense coverage of French affairs in The Examiner and the relation between that coverage and Mill's radical agenda at home are explored. The Revolution of February 1848 and the establishment of a Republic in France raised new hopes and led to a new round of Anglo-French radical co-operation and manifestations of fraternity. However, it was the frustration of the expectations raised by 1848 (fatally by the time of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's coup d’état in December 1851) that had the most profound effect on the perception of French radicalism outre-Manche. A detailed analysis of which French ‘radical’ parties, factions and personalities attracted Mill's sympathies and support from 1830 to the beginnings of the Third Republic is offered, along with the reasons why Mill was attracted by some of the people and factions in question and not by others. The paper winds up with a few comments on Mill's strenuous efforts to contribute to Anglo-French mutual understanding and fellow-feeling and his strategies to that effect.     

French radicalism through the eyes of John Stuart Mill

The paper attempts to highlight some under-researched aspects of the interaction between British and French radical political thinkers and activists during the period between the July Revolution of 1830 in France and the early years of the Third Republic. It focuses in particular on the decisive impact that the aftermath of the July Revolution of 1830 had for the perception of French politics by the most Francophile British radical, John Stuart Mill. In this context, Mill's astonishingly dense coverage of French affairs in The Examiner and the relation between that coverage and Mill's radical agenda at home are explored. The Revolution of February 1848 and the establishment of a Republic in France raised new hopes and led to a new round of Anglo-French radical co-operation and manifestations of fraternity. However, it was the frustration of the expectations raised by 1848 (fatally by the time of Louis Napoleon Bonaparte's coup d’état in December 1851) that had the most profound effect on the perception of French radicalism outre-Manche. A detailed analysis of which French ‘radical’ parties, factions and personalities attracted Mill's sympathies and support from 1830 to the beginnings of the Third Republic is offered, along with the reasons why Mill was attracted by some of the people and factions in question and not by others. The paper winds up with a few comments on Mill's strenuous efforts to contribute to Anglo-French mutual understanding and fellow-feeling and his strategies to that effect.