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1.
关于改进和完善政府实施小额信贷扶贫管理体制的研究报告   总被引:10,自引:0,他引:10  
政府实施的小额信贷扶贫 ,是借鉴国际经验又结合中国实际加以改造而形成的一种资金和服务同时到户的扶贫方式。很好的解决了扶贫资金长期存在的到户难和还贷率低的问题 ,广大农村干部和群众普遍认为 ,在扶贫到户上目前还没有比小额信贷更好的方法 ,应当继续推广实施。针对现行管理体制上的问题 ,作者提出了五条改进和完善现行管理体制的建议。  相似文献   

2.
旅游发展能否真正减贫以及如何实现减贫应是当前旅游减贫大背景下备受讨论的焦点,并受到了国内外学术界积极关注。然纵观现有研究,对旅游减贫效果的实证探讨及细致剖析尚十分缺乏。本文选取旅游发展中对土地资源的利用作为研究视角,探讨这一过程对贫困人口生存状态的影响。研究以三亚亚龙湾度假区发展对周边两个村庄的土地使用(征用、租用)为例,采用多维贫困概念,探讨旅游发展给两村村民在收入、居住条件、就业及生产方式以及话语权等带来的影响。研究提出了旅游再贫困的概念,意在说明旅游发展在使贫困人口短暂富裕后再次陷入贫困状态的发展现象,是旅游发展之于贫困人口负面影响的一种表征。  相似文献   

3.
河南省县域贫困程度及影响因素分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
贫困地区的地理识别,是区域扶贫政策精准、有效实施的前提。以经济指标衡量河南省县域相对贫困程度,并借助有序logit回归模型分析社会经济发展、自然条件、区位交通、历史基础4类变量16个影响因子对区域贫困状况的影响程度。分析发现,河南省县域综合经济发展水平存在较大的区域差异,经济发展水平相对较低的县域多分布在豫西和豫东南,且区域内存在部分潜在贫困县。回归分析结果表明,工业化水平、居民储蓄水平、气温、湿度、到最近城市的距离、国道道路密度、期初经济水平7个因子对县域贫困程度影响显著。地区扶贫政策实施过程中,在重视经济因素的减贫效应时,也应重视自然因素的致贫效应,政府主导,因地制宜,逐步实现区域协调发展。  相似文献   

4.
    
This paper reports on the calculation of poverty rates for small areas in Australia using a spatial microsimulation model. The spatial microsimulation methodology used involves reweighting data from confidentialised unit record files (CURFs) from surveys conducted by the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) to small area census data, also from the ABS. The method is described in this paper, and then maps of poverty using poverty rates derived from this small area estimation method are shown for the eastern coast of Australia and its capital cities. Further analysis of poverty rates in capital cities is then conducted. We find that areas of higher poverty risk can be clearly identified within Sydney, Melbourne, Canberra and Brisbane. We also find that areas of high poverty are frequently ‘buffered’ by areas of moderate poverty. This is not always the case since, in some areas, we find a high poverty area neighbouring a low poverty area but, generally, there appears to be a moderate poverty ‘buffer’ in most capital cities.  相似文献   

5.
This article identifies the predictors of child poverty rates at the state level before and after the adoption and implementation of the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996. The analysis shows that the most important state‐level factors that influence child poverty rates are demographics, the health and viability of the state economy, and often the generosity, inclusiveness, and quality of state welfare programs. States with large numbers of black citizens, and those that score highest on infant mortality, teen births, births to unmarried women, children living with a parent without a high school degree, and children living with a single parent have the highest rates of child poverty. Child poverty rates are lowest in states that suffer less unemployment, and in wealthier states. States that score higher on per capita personal income, tax revenues, and taxable resources have lower child poverty rates. While specific “tough” welfare policies adopted by some states seem to have no impact on child poverty rates, we tested for the first time a sophisticated measure of the overall quality of state welfare programs. The analysis reveals that the global quality of a state's welfare programs is often an independent predictor of child poverty. States with the most generous, inclusive, and supportive welfare programs have done the best job of lowering and containing child poverty.  相似文献   

6.
    
Villagers in northern Laos have been on the move for generations. Recent changes, however, in the location of their village and their daily mobility patterns differ from what they have experienced before; the government's resettlement programme has changed their livelihoods and made them more socially and economically vulnerable. The ethnic groups we studied have decided to use mobility to resist state control and seek livelihood security for themselves. By using the concept of motility, this article analyses how this household and community choices have a gender-differentiated impact. The mobility patterns of men and women have changed. While men attend to long-term investments, women are forced to make ends meet on a day-to-day basis. Men visit the market and public places more frequently, while women spend more time looking for non-timber forest products and working as hired labour. Although women now support the family and their mobility has increased, their say in the household seems to be on the decline, resulting in weakening women's motility.  相似文献   

7.
    
While many armies began to adopt large calibre weapons in the seventeenth and eighteenth century, frontier conflicts in the outer reaches of Europe and in North America have provided evidence for the retention of smaller calibres, particularly evidenced through the archaeological recovery of ammunition. Present within these assemblages are various forms of non-standard ammunition — i.e. not round — including bullets with casting sprues still attached at the time of firing. This paper provides an assessment of the combat effectiveness of these various types of ammunition through a series of firing tests using replicated ammunition.  相似文献   

8.
王爱云 《当代中国史研究》2020,(3):127-141,159,160
自20世纪90年代以来,国外学者从反贫困的视野出发,对中国消除农村绝对贫困的政策、实践与经验进行了比较全面的研究。他们分析了中国农村绝对贫困的状况和发生的原因,跟踪研究中国消除农村绝对贫困的历程和所取得的成就,注重用国际减贫理论分析中国消除农村绝对贫困的措施,用中国减贫实践验证国际减贫理论的有效性,总结中国减贫经验为世界其他贫困地区提供借鉴。在中国完成脱贫攻坚任务、整体消除农村绝对贫困之际,梳理国外学者对中国消除农村绝对贫困的研究,对于国内学界全面准确地总结中国消除农村绝对贫困的实践经验有一定的参考价值。  相似文献   

9.
    
Techniques of production were measured for 18 manufacturing industries across 6 regions of Canada between 1961 and 1988. In any given year, production technology, measured by a pair of capital and labour input coefficients, varies markedly over space. The relative positions of regions in a two-dimensional technology-space appears consistent across industries. With industry-mix effects removed, multivariate analysis of variance confirms that regional differences in production techniques are significant. Further investigation reveals that spatial variations in techniques of production persist over time. These findings support the claims of evolutionary theorists, demonstrating that in Canadian manufacturing industries regions tend to move along distinct trajectories of technological change.
On a mesuré les techniques de production dans 18 industries manufacturières de 6 régions du Canada au cours de la période 1961-88. La technologie de production, mesurée par deux coefficients des entrées du capital et du travail, diffère considérablement d'une région à l'autre à une année donnée. Les positions relatives des régions par rapport aux deux dimensions espace-technologie se maintiennent dans toutes les industries. Si on écarte les effets de la composition industrielle, l'analyse de variance à plusieurs variables démontre qu'il existe d'importantes différences régionales en techniques de production. L'analyse complémentaire révèle que les variations spatiales des techniques de production persistent à travers le temps. Ces résultats confirment la position des théoriciens évolutionnistes à l'effet que dans les industries manufacturières canadiennes, les régions ont tendance à suivre des trajectoires distinctes de changements technologiques.  相似文献   

10.
1958年的"大跃进"和1959年庐山会议后的继续"跃进",导致了企业职工和城镇人口的急剧膨胀。面对严重的经济困难,江苏省在中共中央、华东局的领导下大幅度精减职工和城镇人口,从1961年1月到1963年7月底,全省有143万城镇人口、77万全民所有制职工被精减回乡或下乡,既支援了农业,又减轻了国家负担,成为江苏省国民经济调整中的一个关键环节。  相似文献   

11.
    
Buddhist ascetic monks and hermits that move largely outside of the institutional structures of the monastic order (sangha) have a long history in mainland Southeast Asia. In Lao Buddhism these figures seem to have largely disappeared, but due to their charismatic qualities they still occupy a crucial position in the social imaginary. This article explores rumours and narratives about the existence of ascetic monks and hermits in contemporary Laos. I argue that rumours about, and narratives of, spectral apparitions of these figures express a longing for Buddhist charisma that is partially rooted in Laos’ revolutionary past, and in recent social and economic changes. As Buddhist charisma can point to alternative, personalised sources of power, I argue that rumours and spectral apparitions can be interpreted as haunting, and therefore afflicting and challenging the current politics of religion of the Lao state.  相似文献   

12.
中国大城市贫困研究的多种测度与多层模型分析   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
基于六大城市住户调查数据,采用多种贫困测度和多层模型分析的方法,探讨中国大城市居民贫困状况及其影响因素。研究发现,大城市低收入邻里的贫困状况存在较大差异,其中广州、西安的相对丢失(relative deprivation)严重且低收入群体层级结构复杂,昆明的贫困深度大,而武汉财富集聚相对明显。贫困多层模型表明低收入邻里贫困的主要影响因素仍存在于个体层面,个体在家庭制度、市场制度、国家福利供应中所表现的特征影响了贫困发生率;城市贫困同时存在邻里效应,主要体现在邻里经济状况和贫困文化的影响作用;而城市间的贫困差异亦不可忽视。  相似文献   

13.
    
James Alan Brown 《对极》2019,51(2):438-457
This article engages literature on special economic zones and territory in global development. I suggest a focus on labour's spatial class composition as constitutive of territorial coherence provides insights into how the Savan‐Seno Special Economic Zone in Lao PDR operates as an economic border territory bridging Laos to the regional and global economies. The distanciated global connections which special economic zones aim to create are predicated on zones gaining internal coherence for capital accumulation. I suggest zones’ internal coherence depends on zone firms reworking the local class composition of labour, itself constituted by workers’ spatial practices. In the Savan‐Seno zone this occurred through immobilising a mobile labour force and taking advantage of its continuing embeddedness within a subsistence rice‐producing village economy. The argument aims to illustrate how zones producing for global markets act as territories of complex spatiality which span and connect multiple spaces of production and workers’ social reproduction.  相似文献   

14.
This article explores sexuality and its role in cultural reproduction amongst Akha, a minority group living in the mountainous reaches of southwest China, northern Thailand, Laos, Vietnam and Burma. For many minority peoples in the region sexuality has been a marker of cultural difference within trajectories of nationalist assimilation. In northwest Laos, Akha sexuality is currently a focusof intense interest as infrastructure development, increased interactions with lowland populations, and targeted state and donor-funded health programs are dramatically altering Akha lifestyles. Whether by conscious design to intervene insexual lives, or through the numerous ways that affective domains merge withmaterial aspirations, social structures shaping Lao Akha sexuality are being “re-formed” through engagement in processes of modernisation. As a result, sexuality remains central to ongoing ethnic marginalisation and evolving vulnerability to health threats.  相似文献   

15.
本文运用FGT指数法和AF多维贫困测度法对西安市主城区收入贫困和典型贫困区多维贫困特征进行研究。主要结论:(1)主城区收入贫困空间与城市发展相对较晚的地区、城乡交错的边缘区、内城衰退区、城中村及老工业区耦合;(2)住房维度的贫困发生率最高,其次依次为暖气、电器资产、教育、职业、给排水、卫生设施维度;教育指数对多维贫困的贡献度最大,是主要的致贫因素;(3)老城衰退区(解放门)和外来人口聚集区城中村(鱼化寨)是多维贫困最严重的地区,退化的国企老工业区(纺织城)相对较轻。经济发展历史格局、城市发展政策导向、转型期社会制度变迁等是贫困形成的主要原因。  相似文献   

16.
    
Land grabbing has transformed rural environments across the global South, generating resistance or political reactions “from below”. In authoritarian countries like Laos, where resource investments are coercively developed and insulated from political dissent, resistance appears absent at first glance. Yet, it is occurring under the radar, largely outside transnational activist networks. In this article, we examine how resistance can protect access to rural lands in contexts where it is heavily repressed. Resistance here occurs with, rather than against the state by foregrounding the contradictions of land use and ownership within state spaces, such as competing goals of large‐scale industrial plantations versus smallholder agriculture and national forest conservation. Such contradictions are engaged by using historical, place‐based political connections to exploit the scalar frictions of a fragmented state and occupying plantation clearance sites to highlight contested lands in situ. Nonetheless, such strategies remain spatially and socially uneven amongst the Lao peasantry.  相似文献   

17.
ABSTRACT. Museum exhibitions in Laos represent two main strands of Lao national identity discourse. First, they glorify the ‘liberation struggle’ of the so‐called ‘Lao multiethnic people’ under the leadership of the Lao People's Revolutionary Party, and therefore serve as important ideological tools for the current regime's self‐legitimisation. Second, they display the history and cultural heritage of the Lao nation, providing the postcolonial state with a narrative of historical continuity and civilisation that is focused mostly on the dominant ethnic Lao culture. This article explores the contradictions within official images of the Lao nation‐state and how these opposing strands of national identity compete or interact. Museums as key arenas of ideological tensions constitute illuminating fields of research on discourses of national identity in Laos.  相似文献   

18.
    
Abstract

It is common to view Laos as a political culture prone to “consensus”, yet it is also true that policy is constantly changing there, often radically. If everyone is always “in consensus”, what can explain this change? I suggest that the answer is found in the particular kind of consensus at play: it is informed by a wider “experimentarian” ethic evident in rural Laos, where ideas (including the latest policies) are put to the test through practical implementation. The results of these experiments are used to validate policy change and reversal. This allows rural residents a degree of manoeuvrability in their engagements with the state that is striking given the “authoritarian” status of the current regime. It can explain and is used to justify, for instance, the oft-observed gap between policy and actual practice. This room for manoeuvre comes at the price of “playing the game”, at least for a while, of the latest policy fad, sometimes with disastrous consequences for rural livelihoods. I use the example of an irrigation project that was implemented in the south of Laos from 1999–2002 to examine “experimental consensus” at work as policy was received, engaged and eventually relinquished.  相似文献   

19.
In February 2007, UNICEF launched the latest in a series of reports comparing the conditions of young people's lives across the world's more industrialised countries. The report ranked the UK as the lowest of the countries investigated. We give a critical overview of the report, identifying its limitations as well as some of the trends it reveals. We also discuss the poor placing of the UK in relation to current broader political and public debates.  相似文献   

20.
Over the years, there has been a spirited debate over the impact of the welfare expansion associated with the War on Poverty. Many analysts have maintained that public assistance expansion during this period decreased poverty by raising the incomes of the poor (an income enhancement effect), while others have contended that welfare expansion increased poverty by discouraging the poor from working (a work disincentive effect). There has been considerable empirical research about the historical effect of welfare on poverty, nearly all of which relies on the poverty rate (i.e., the percentage of persons with income less than the “poverty threshold”) as an indicator of the extent of poverty. However, this work has not employed designs that allow researchers to sort out distinct income enhancement and work disincentive effects. We develop a model of poverty rates in the American states that permits estimation of these distinct effects—based on state‐level time‐series data observed annually for the years 1960–90—and we find that welfare had both effects during our period of analysis. We also calculate the net impact of increases in welfare benefits on the poverty rate—taking into account both work disincentive and income enhancement effects. Our results indicate that this net impact is dependent on three variables: the initial level of cash benefits, wage levels for unskilled workers, and the share of the benefit increase provided through cash rather than in‐kind assistance. Because of historical trends in these variables, since the 1970s welfare spending has become increasingly less effective in reducing the poverty rate. However, the significance of this result for policymakers must be tempered by evidence that flaws in the poverty rate as an indicator of poverty make it so that any finding about the net effect of an increase in welfare benefits on the poverty rate underestimates welfare's ability to lessen the true extent of poverty.  相似文献   

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