朝野纠葛:北京政府时期的舆论与外交--以关税特别会议为个案的考察

关于北京政府时期的外交,尽管学术界近来已开始有了较为客观的评价,不过对于其背后因素的考察还有待深入。实际上,在北京政府时期,由于特殊的时代背景,各种社会舆论被全面动员起来,以汹涌澎湃之势冲击着外交这一特殊的政治领域,从而形成了近代史上国民外交的黄金时期。于是,由于中央政府统治的虚弱,在其决策者进行外交运作时,就处处受到来自舆论界的影响,这是一个极为明显的历史特色,通过对当时舆论的考察,就会更深层次地探究北京政府外交的两难境地。笔者在考察时,主要以关税特别会议为个案,以上海舆论为核心,以《申报》、《东方杂志》等报刊为第一手资料。     

Sir Gawain and the green knight and the literary achievement of the north-west Midlands: the historical background

The author of Sir Gawain and the Green Knight and the other verse in BLMS. Cotton Nero A x ranks with his contemporaries, Chaucer and Langland, as one of the three great Middle English poets. Whilst this anonymous master and associated writers have been confidently ascribed to the north-west Midlands in the reign of Richard II, the social context of this literary achievement is still inadequately understood. Drawing on wider research on the social history of the region, and focusing on the career of one identifiable Cheshire poet of Chaucer's generation, this paper attempts to show what factors made this superficially inauspicious milieu at all conducive to high cultural attainment.The basic argument is that the richness and sophistication of the best north-west Midlands work are only comprehensible in terms of the considerable social mobility evidenced amongst the local population in this period. Large numbers of men from Cheshire and its environs can be traced in all corners of England, seeking their fortunes as soldiers, lawyers, clerks and merchants. This was the vibrant world in which the Gawain-poet and his fellows found not only appreciative audiences and generous patronage but also the new cultural influences and the courtly sophistication which characterise their more polished pieces.It is no coincidence that the last years of Richard II's reign, which witnessed the composition of the verse of BL MS. Cotton Nero A x, also saw the fortunes of local careerists soar to their apogee. In addition to their solid achievements in the professions, men from almost every family in Cheshire were being recruited into the royal household from 1397 onwards. With his well attested taste for fine literature, and with his extravagant generosity towards his Cheshire retainers, it is clear that if an aristocratic patron for the Gawain-poet is pre-supposed there is no more credible candidate than Richard II himself.     

Britain and the British Antarctic Territory in the wider geopolitics of the Antarctic and the Southern Ocean

Britain's contemporary and future relationship with the British Antarctic Territory and the wider region is the subject matter of this article. In the aftermath of the ill‐fated plans for a merger of British Antarctic Survey (BAS) and the National Oceanography Centre, it is timely to ask how the UK projects influence and secures its scientific, resource and strategic interests. The contemporary Antarctic is increasingly characterized by tension over resource management and conservation politics as Antarctic Treaty parties disagree, both in private and public, over the purpose of legal instruments and the regulation of activities such as fishing and marine conservation. While we do not predict the collapse of the Antarctic Treaty System (ATS), our analysis suggests that the effectiveness and legitimacy of the ATS is increasingly under challenge. The United Kingdom's position as a claimant state and original signatory to the Antarctic Treaty is complicated by the presence of counter‐claimants (Argentina and Chile) and a wider preoccupation with other overseas territories, such as South Georgia and South Sandwich Islands and the Falkland Islands. Polar science, carried out by BAS and other British agents, remains critical not only for maintaining the UK's ‘soft power’ but also increasingly for cementing a ‘strategic presence’ in the Antarctic. The article ends with a cautionary note: scientific excellence is no longer sufficient to guarantee geopolitical/strategic interests and there is growing evidence that claimant and non‐claimant states alike are no longer regarding Antarctica as an area that will remain free of intensifying and diversifying resource exploitation.     

中日地方交流与合作的现状分析

随着经济全球化步伐的加快,国际交流与合作的发展正在由国家层次向地方层次纵深,而各国中央政府对地方的放权,也使得地方在国际交流与合作中的地位和作用显得越来越重要。日本是与我国开展地方性交流与合作最活跃的国家,其载体主要是友好城市。在全球化和地方化日益发展的背景下,中日地方间交流与合作呈现出许多新特点,同时也存在着一些问题,如何解决这些问题,以促进地方间的交流与合作进一步向前发展对中日双方来说都是十分重要的。     

论“不改变原状原则”的本质意义——兼论文物保护科学的文理交叉性

物保护是一门新兴的理交叉并重的综合性学科,其内容是多方面的,对物进行保护时的方法也不是唯一的,可以有多种选择,这就需要对物保护原则有深入的理解。本从考古学、博物馆学的本质出发,论述了不改变原状原则的本质意义,也只有从本质上认识和理解不改变原状原则,才能在具体的物保护实践中自觉、灵活地运用。     

Exploring the potential of the popular culture and world politics agenda: actors,artefacts and the everyday

ABSTRACT

The PCWP agenda has contributed a great deal to the discipline of world politics, empirically, methodologically and theoretically. However, there is scope to expand upon certain aspects of this body of scholarship. In particular, the agenda is developing some unfortunate hierarchies in its focus on high-budget ‘blockbusters’ at the expense of data from the everyday. It is displaying a lack of imagination in terms of its methodologies and forms of output, despite the aesthetic and creative nature of many of the artefacts. Finally, it is evincing a reluctance to explore representations beyond the textual or the visual, at the expense of other forms of representation, including sound, taste or, as I argue in this paper, artefactuality.     

Anglo-Saxon women and the law

Scholarly investigations of Anglo-Saxon social history have usually drawn the conclusion that women during that period enjoyed a favourable position in comparison with their successors in post-Conquest England. The following study aims to qualify this view, by demonstrating that the position of women was more complicated than is usually acknowledged. An examination of the Anglo-Saxon legal documents shows that the position of women varied according to circumstances such as rank, marital status, and geographical location. However, an overall improvement between the early and late period is clear. In fact, this improvement is so considerable that there is a much closer resemblance between the situation obtaining in late Anglo-Saxon England and post-Conquest England than there is between the early and late Anglo-Saxon period. Thus, to describe Anglo-Saxon E England as a time when women enjoyed an independence which they lost as a result of the changes introduced by the Norman Conquest is misleading.     

论改革开放以来法价值取向的历史流变与发展趋势

法价值是法学的基本命题,也是社会关注的焦点。中国自改革开放以来法价值取向随着时代的变化而有所侧重。我们可以认为：自党的十一届三中全会以来,中国法价值取向经历了从秩序到效率、法治与人权的历史流变,但其发展趋势必然朝着公平正义的方向发展。     

Resource Rent from the Oil and Gas Sector and the Russian Economy

Three specialists on Russia's oil and gas sector examine the process whereby resource rent has been extracted from oil and gas production and distributed within the Soviet (and later Russian) economy. A particular focus is on changes in the way such rent now is collected and allocated to different levels of the territorial-administrative hierarchy as a result of a transition from command to market economic relations. Special attention is devoted to the introduction of new taxation regimes and other mechanisms of rent extraction and redistribution. 4 tables, 42 references.     

青铜病的发生与小孔腐蚀的关系

青铜病的产生与青铜器铸件本身的缺陷所产生的小孔腐蚀有一定的关系,小孔腐蚀可以解释青铜病的腐蚀现象。根据小孔腐蚀的特征,采用激振除锈垢和化学溶液相结合的方法,可以提高对青铜病的处理效果。进一步深入对小孔腐蚀的研究是解决青铜病问题的方向。     

Consociationalism and the politics of the census in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland

Population censuses have symbolic and instrumental importance for ethnic, national, linguistic or religious groups and their political representatives. This is particularly apparent in deeply divided societies, where political institutions are designed to accommodate groups through forms of power sharing. Existing literature posits that consociational power-sharing institutions, which are commonly employed to manage inter-group conflict, are likely to incentivise contestation and mobilisation in relation to the census, but this claim has not been tested empirically. Employing the case studies of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Northern Ireland, this article tests a proposition about the relationship between consociationalism and the politics of the census: that it is corporate consociational designs that are likely to result in contestation of the census and mobilisation of groups during enumeration, whereas liberal consociational designs will not. The analysis offers support for this proposition, but also suggests that other features of power-sharing settlements, such as the federal nature of the Bosnian state and the majoritarian provision for a ‘border poll’ in the Northern Irish settlement, also play an important role in shaping census politics. These insights contribute to political geographic debates about the census by highlighting the influence of institutional design on struggles over how and where populations get counted, which are applicable beyond the immediate context of deeply divided societies.     

The Religious,the Secular,and the Natural Sciences: Nietzsche and the Death of God

When, in The Gay Science, Nietzsche poses the question of how the natural sciences are possible, he insists that they depend not on a principle that is natural but on the will to truth, the will not to deceive even oneself, with which, he holds, “we stand on moral ground.” Yet, that the natural sciences stand on ground that is moral also means, for Nietzsche, that their origin is to be located in “a faith that is thousands of years old,” a faith that, in the Genealogy of Morals, he develops as presupposing what he calls the ascetic ideals of Judaism and Christianity. Further, in holding that the natural sciences have their origin in principles that are biblical, Nietzsche goes on to indicate that, like the natural sciences, his own critical position, unconditionally honest atheism, is, in forbidding itself “the lie involved in belief in God,” not opposed to, but is rather an expression of, Judaism and Christianity's ascetic ideals. In addressing the interrelationships among the religious, the secular, and the natural sciences in light of Nietzsche, I argue that the natural sciences have their origin in principles that are not natural but that are no less religious than secular.     

Australia and the promise and the perils of humanitarian diplomacy

ABSTRACT

Humanitarian diplomacy has always been a crucial element of humanitarianism, however it is now becoming a more prominent element of states’ foreign policies. It holds many attractions and much promise. It provides states with a way of expressing important qualities of international empathy and solidarity and can also enhance a state’s international reputation and provide valuable means for building relationship of trust and cooperation. This can in turn can be conducive to a state’s broader foreign policy objectives. However, there are also perils to the incorporation of humanitarian diplomacy into a state’s foreign policy. It can generate ambiguity and even conflict within a state’s diplomatic endeavours due to tensions between humanitarian and broader national interests. In exploring these issues it is useful to distinguish between humanitarian diplomacy and humanitarianism as diplomacy. This article explores these issues in relations to Australia’s diplomacy. It argues that Australia has actively engaged in humanitarian diplomacy and humanitarianism as diplomacy. Whilst the two are often complementary, there are areas in which they have been in tension and even at odds. This has implications for Australia’s international reputation but also for its capacity to undertake genuine and effective humanitarian action.     

“八风” 与五行、八卦

五行与八方意义之八风及八卦的结合当始于西汉;八风在节气意义上与八卦发生关系不会早于秦汉之间;其于卦气相联系乃西汉之事。故以为《说卦传》之八卦方位说已包含了五行是不合实际的,笼统地讲八风说与八卦方位说相表里是缺乏时间概念的,而将先秦文献中关于八风的说法视同卦气也是无根据的。     

Heteroglossic heritage and the first-place of the Kalahari

Abstract

Using Bakhtin’s concept of ‘heteroglossia,’ this article examines the layering and intersections of multiple claims to heritage places that form dialogics about heritage truths. Social groups derive their collective-self, in part, through association with a place, or places, to which they attribute their origin, described here as a ‘first-place.’ Identity maintenance can occur through the praxis of heritage tourism in which group members exhibit emotional performances during their visits to a first-place. Through the extended example of the Tsodilo Hills in Botswana and the various social groups – local ethnic communities, national citizens, and segments of the global community – who each form a collective-self using Tsodilo as a first-place, this article addresses the roles of science (archaeology) and tourism, and their interplay, in enabling several languages or dialects of belonging to coexist without dissonance. The argument is that heteroglossic heritage is possible because visitors’ affect-mediated encounters with heritage places facilitate the reaffirmation of their shared group identity. While all heritage discourse is heteroglossic, the article focuses on claims to a first-place set within a postcolonial context of nation building and modernising that involves the politicisation and re-spatialization of heritage places through tourism development.     

Plasticity and the Future of Philosophy and Theology

Abstract

This article develops a theoretical and political critique of the contemporary notion of the deconstruction of Christianity, primarily in the later work of Jacques Derrida and Jean-Luc Nancy. The deconstruction of Christianity relies upon an understanding of temporality and messianicity derived from Heidegger and Benjamin, and we challenge this privileging of messianism in contemporary philosophy and theology. Messianism is contrasted with plasticity, and plasticity is shown to have resources to overcome the impasses of contemporary thought in a counter-messianic way. To oppose messianism is not to oppose theological thinking, but to open a creative and productive political space for a radical theological and philosophical reflection.     

Hans Morgenthau and the Tragedy of the Nation-State

The cardinal role of tragedy in Morgenthau's theory of international politics has hardly gone unnoticed. Indeed there is now a considerable corpus of literature that established the importance of tragedy as a central concept around which Morgenthau's theory revolved. This paper builds upon this already developed framework and employs tragedy not as an analytical category but as a metaphor employed by Morgenthau to approach the nation-state. It is claimed that the idea of tragedy underpinned his notion of the nation-state inasmuch as it did his view of individual human beings. As such the notion of tragedy informed consistently Morgenthau's analyses of national tragedies that were like the self-defeating nationalism of Germany. It also informed his efforts to avert potential national tragedies from materialising as his attempts to influence US foreign policy demonstrated. It is finally claimed, that far from a descent into despair, Morgenthau's realism signified a conscious effort to go beyond the tragedy of the nation-state.