中东铁路出售的经济背景

1905年日俄战争结束后,原被俄国控制的中国东北地区被划分为南北两部分,北部俄国势力范围以中东铁路横贯连接至海参崴,而南部日本势力范围以南满铁路纵贯至大连。自此,两大铁路作为列强掠夺东北地区资源的主要工具,为争运货物展开了激烈竞争。为削弱中东铁路的经济效用,遏制俄势力的发展,日本通过《间岛协约》获取了吉会铁路的铺筑权,意欲打造平行于中东路的运输路线。随着吉会铁路各区间的相继开通,其更具经济性的运输路径给中东铁路以沉重打击,致其接连出现亏损。经济功能的衰退是中东铁路被出售的主要原因,加之其政治、军事功能也逐渐衰微,苏联最终决定将其售予日本。     

走进圣·索菲亚

哈尔滨市曾是沙俄的宗教侵略中心,市内教学遍布各地,但在以前,人们对教堂及宗教艺术一直缺乏足够的认识和了解。近年来,随着观念进步和休闲品味的提高,许多人终于把久违的目光落在了这曾代表一个时代与流派的建筑艺术品上。圣·索菲亚教堂是远东地区最大的东正教堂。1896年,沙俄开始在东北修建中东铁路,俄国的东正教势力大举侵入东北。哈尔滨作为中东铁路的交叉     

九十年代中东地缘政治的因素与机制探讨

中东是个独特的政治地理区域,90年代以来正在走向多极化。影响中东地缘政治的因素丰富多样,本文对其中的地理位置、国土、自然资源、民族、宗教、地区霸权等最重要的因素进行了简要的论述。并在提出国家影响力、地缘政治影响力概念的基础上,设计了简明的公式,对中东地缘政治稳定度作了定量探讨,文间还结合当前中东政局中的重大问题和主要特征进行了分析。     

关于俄国保守主义起源的思考

俄国保守主义作为一种政治意识形态诞生于18、19世纪之交,在亚历山大一世统治时期形成政治思想流派,但此前俄国也存在保守主义的元素。俄国保守主义的实质是无条件地遵循俄国的古老传统,把东正教及在其基础上形成的伦理道德视为绝对的价值观,把强大的中央集权国家视为政治核心,谨慎地对待在俄国历史上一直存在的西方扩张趋势。俄国社会和政治思想演变的特殊历史条件,特别是近三个世纪以来所谓的"赶超型"发展模式,使俄国保守主义与欧洲保守主义相比在其起源阶段就表现出明显的独特性。     

中东路买卖始末

中东路位于我国东北境内,是中俄合办的一条铁路,应该说我国对其享有无可争辩的主权。可事实偏偏不是如此,沙俄时代,它完全控制在俄国人手里,３０年代初,苏联居然把中国政府撇在一边,和伪满、日本商谈有关中东路的买卖问题。 说到中东路买卖,就先得谈谈中东路。中东铁路是俄国沙皇政府为了侵略的目的于１８９７年至１９０３年在中国东北境内修筑的一条丁字形铁路,以哈尔滨为中心,西至满洲里,东至绥芬河,南抵大连旅顺。日俄战争后,长春以南段为日本占领,称为南满铁路;长春以北仍称东清铁路,民国后改称中东铁路。 十月革命后,…     

以《路标》为界:俄国自由主义知识分子的思想波澜

《路标》文集是 2 0世纪初俄国自由主义知识分子一次重要的思想集结。文集作者对 1 90 5年俄国革命发生及失败的原因进行了深入的分析 ,对同时期盛行的保守主义思潮和激进主义思潮同样采取了批评的态度 ,特别是对俄国知识分子的历史地位和作用进行了批判性的深入思考 ,并试图以此唤起知识分子的良知 ,以改变俄国社会发展方向。文集系统地反映了俄国自由主义知识分子的政治、哲学和宗教观点 ,构成了 2 0世纪俄国思想发展史上的一个路标。     

中外关系史研究中的一部佳作──读《中东铁路护路军与东北边疆政局》

中外关系史研究中的一部佳作──读《中东铁路护路军与东北边疆政局》成蹊中东铁路的修筑是沙皇俄国实现其远东战略的重要组成部分。１９世纪末,俄英关系的调整和巴尔干地区局势的暂时缓和,使俄国的国际战略重心开始转移到东方。其主要目标是扩大对中国和朝鲜的侵略,同...     

中东铁路沧桑景象

中东铁路是19世纪末20世纪初俄国在我国东北(今内蒙古、黑龙江、吉林和辽宁四省区)修建的一条呈"T"字形的大铁路,其东西干线以哈尔滨为中心,西起满洲里,东至绥芬河,横跨内蒙古、黑龙江两省区,与俄国西伯利亚大铁路、乌苏里铁路连接,直达俄国远东出海口伯符拉迪沃斯托克(海参崴);其南部支线从哈尔滨起,南     

解放前俄国人在黑龙江的学术团体及其考古活动简述

十九世纪末到二十世纪初,沙皇俄国攫取了在我国东北建筑和经营中东铁路的特权。从此开始,特别是1917年俄国十月革命胜利之后,一大批俄国人,其中包括有贵族、官僚、反动军官、地主资本家等亡命者,潮水般地涌入哈尔滨。同这个流亡者群同步进入哈尔滨的,还包括一些成分复杂、观点各异、派别不同以及操不同职业的知识分子。从本世纪初到五十     

中东政治暴力的历史考察

中东政治暴力的历史考察孟庆顺自从人类开始有了政治活动以来,以政治为目的的暴力活动就逐渐演化为政治斗争的一种手段。中东作为一个动乱、冲突连绵不绝的地区,其政治暴力也源远流长。本文试从历史的角度探讨现代中东政治暴力的根源。一在世界历史上,中东是一个充满神...     

Towards an Inclusive Archaeology in Jerusalem: The Case of Silwan/The City of David

Abstract

The village of Silwan, in East Jerusalem, contains the remains of most ancient Jerusalem, often termed “The City of David”. In recent years the excavation and presentation of the archaeology of Silwan has been placed in the hands of a Jewish settler non-governmental organization. Their incorporation of this site into the Jewish-Israeli narrative is multifaceted — mixing religious nationalism with theme-park tourism. As a result, conflict with local Palestinians occurs at the very basic level of existence, where the past is used to disenfranchise and displace people in the present. The volatile mix of history, religion and politics in the City of David/Silwan threatens any future reconciliation in Jerusalem, which must be based on the empowerment of local people and the adoption of a proactive inclusive archaeological stance in which the many voices of the past are heard.     

Russia and Syria: explaining alignment with a regime in crisis

This article explores explanations of Russia's unyielding alignment with the Syrian regime of Bashar al‐Assad since the Syrian crisis erupted in the spring of 2011. Russia has provided a diplomatic shield for Damascus in the UN Security Council and has continued to supply it with modern arms. Putin's resistance to any scenario of western‐led intervention in Syria, on the model of the Libya campaign, in itself does not explain Russian policy. For this we need to analyse underlying Russian motives. The article argues that identity or solidarity between the Soviet Union/Russia and Syria has exerted little real influence, besides leaving some strategic nostalgia among Russian security policy‐makers. Russian material interests in Syria are also overstated, although Russia still hopes to entrench itself in the regional politics of the Middle East. Of more significance is the potential impact of the Syria crisis on the domestic political order of the Russian state. First, the nexus between regional spillover from Syria, Islamist networks and insurgency in the North Caucasus is a cause of concern—although the risk of ‘blowback’ to Russia is exaggerated. Second, Moscow rejects calls for the departure of Assad as another case of the western community imposing standards of political legitimacy on a ‘sovereign state’ to enforce regime change, with future implications for Russia or other authoritarian members of the Commonwealth of Independent States. Russia may try to enshrine its influence in the Middle East through a peace process for Syria, but if Syria descends further into chaos western states may be able to achieve no more in practice than emergency coordination with Russia.     

“The Country Christ Knew”: New Zealanders' Interactions with Christianity in the Middle East,Greece, and Italy during the Second World War

During the Second World War, New Zealanders of the Second New Zealand Expeditionary Force (2NZEF) interacted with Christianity throughout the Mediterranean from 1940 to 1945. Stationed in the Middle East, New Zealanders saw the birthplace of Christianity in Egypt and Palestine. In Greece, Crete, and Italy, New Zealanders saw countries where Christianity was deeply ingrained in the landscape and social fabric. This article explores New Zealanders' interaction with Christianity in the Mediterranean during the Second World War on two levels: Firstly, by discussing New Zealanders' visits to Christian religious sites; secondly, by examining New Zealanders' observations on religious practice and the place of religion in society in the Middle East, Greece, and Italy. The article will argue that New Zealanders demonstrated a keen interest in religious tourism during the war, and more broadly, that Christianity was an important lens through which New Zealanders viewed the places in which they served in the Mediterranean.     

Religion and the US Presidency: Politics,the Media,and Religious Identity

Abstract

The relationship between religion and the presidency impacts both the viability of candidates and the manner in which decisions are made in the voting booth. Today we are living in culture where religion is front and center in politics. This article examines the role of religion in political discourse with special attention to the 2012 presidential election. It focuses on the manner in which religion and politics have become inextricably interwoven in the past sixty years. It begins by establishing the role of religion in the broader political arena. The article then turns to the manner in which religious identity and participation influence voting patterns, and how religious affiliation shapes the office of the presidency. The conclusion offers some reflections on the future of religion in presidential politics, an issue that will continue to be a significant factor in how and why voters support and marginalize particular candidates.     

Walking the Middle of the Peace Road? The Emergence of JCall in France

On 3 May 2010, a ‘Call to reason’ (Appel à la raison) was presented to the European Parliament in Brussels by a number of prominent figures from European Jewish political and intellectual classes, launching JCall, which is supposedly the European version of the US J Street. JCall explicitly positions itself as pro-Israel on one hand but against the Israeli state's occupation and increased settlement of Palestine, including East Jerusalem, on the other hand. The ‘reason’ it calls for is thus a negotiated two-state settlement to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict and the organisation urges EU governments to apply pressure on both Israel and the Palestinian Authority to this end. This article looks at JCall within the French context, first in distinction to J Street in the USA, with which JCall shares a political position but not organisational links, and second in relation to the broader French political debate about Jewishness, Muslimness and the Middle East. Criticised by the right for its supposed disloyalty to Israel and even ‘anti-Semitism’, and by the left for its non-support of boycott, divestment and sanctions and its ongoing support of the Israeli state, JCall at first appears as somewhat middle-of-the-road in the French context. It also, from this writer's point of view, regrettably lacks a strong female presence or gendered perspective. It has, however, emerged as a serious political voice in the debate over the Middle East and could be less of a lightweight in the French political battles over Israel and Palestine than it may have first appeared.     

Islam and the Dutch in the East Indies: Oppression or Opportunity?

ABSTRACT

Dutch colonial ambitions in the East Indies had to contend with Islam, and this contention intensified as colonisation progressed and Islamisation deepened. The Dutch made pragmatic alliances with Muslim leaders and sultans in pursuit of trade dominance and profits. This, combined with protestant reformation in the Netherlands, allowed for significant religious freedom in the East Indies. The Dutch did proselytize Christianity, with most success in the Outer Islands to the east, mostly because of an absence of a major established religion in those areas. They favoured coexistence over religious wars. In order to improve the lives of locals, Islamic movements were permitted to establish enduring institutions. In the early twentieth century, this included the two largest Muslims groups in the world, the traditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama and the reformist Muhammadiyah, which coincided with the emergence of political Islam in the form of the Islamic Traders Party. These formed important socio-religious structures that influenced political thought and modern state institutions, including the state ideology, the Pancasila, and the constitution, which obliged the state to accommodate religion.     

The ultimate test case: can Europe and America forge a joint strategy for the wider Middle East?

The call for a common US–European approach to the multiple problems of the wider Middle East region has become the latest truism of the transatlantic circuit. But the Middle East is also the region that has historically most divided Americans and Europeans. Steven Everts argues that, despite the different reflexes and assumptions, a joint transatlantic effort is both necessary and feasible. But it will only work if both sides are prepared to adjust policies, allocate sufficient resources and, most of all, take political risks. He sketches a joint strategy based on four pillars: a new international bargain for Iraq; keeping the two-state solution alive in Israel–Palestine; preventing the next transatlantic bust-up over Iran; and with regard to the crisis of governance, taking concrete steps to promote political reforms throughout the region. The author concludes that in the Middle East, Europe must be more strategically daring while America must be more politically astute.     

The Mediation of the Distinction of “Religion” and “Politics” by the UK Press on the Occasion of Pope Benedict XVI’s State Visit to the UK

Abstract

One feature of modern political liberalism is its acceptance of the superiority of secular political reasoning over faith-based reasoning where matters of practical politics are concerned. The distinction religion/politics has become a defining feature of modern political liberalism. We examined how this distinction was mediated by the UK national press through a case study of its reporting of Pope Benedict XVI’s state visit to the UK in 2010. The case study evaluates the following four propositions: (1) “religion” is benign and relevant to “politics”; (2) “religion” is malign and relevant to “politics”; (3) “religion” is assumed to be irrelevant to “politics” but is dismissed positively; and (4) “religion” is regarded as irrelevant to “politics” but is dismissed negatively. We conclude there is a dominant shared assumption in the UK press supporting propositions two and three: that religion is a good thing when it conforms to a pre-existing narrative of political liberalism and a bad thing when it does not and that religion was judged in terms of its “political” values rather than in terms of its “religious” values.     

海湾战争与土耳其中东外交政策评析

20世纪40年代以来土耳其奉行亲西方,尤其是亲美的一边倒外交政策,土耳其中东外交服务于其西方战略,长期以中立和不介入为主要特征。20世纪90年代世界政治格局的变化使得土耳其必须重新调整其中东外交政策,海湾战争为土耳其重新实践其外交政策提供了机遇,土耳其在中东开始采取积极、主动的新型外交政策。海湾战争成为土耳其中东外交的分水岭。海湾战争中,土耳其积极介入中东事务的政策与土耳其亲西方的外交政策恰好吻合;伊拉克战争则表明土耳其中东外交与其亲西方外交之间的不协调性。     

Psychoanalyzing Iran: Kennedy's Iran Task Force and the Modernization of Orientalism, 1961–3

Between 1961 and 1963, a political crisis in Iran prompted U.S. foreign-policy makers to briefly consider supporting political reform that would have pushed the Shah toward a more constitutional role and moved Iran toward democracy. Yet Washington instead decided to bolster the Shah's regime to carry out social and economic reforms that coalesced as the Shah's White Revolution in 1963. Policy-makers relied in part on a psychological profile of Iran to shape their decisions, believing that the Iranian people were psychologically unprepared to rule, and that the Shah was psychologically unprepared to give up power. This article encourages diplomatic historians to explore how the language and ideas of psychology influenced the modernization theories and policies that U.S. policy-makers applied to Iran, the Middle East, and the wider ‘Third World.’ After briefly exploring the history of U.S. racial, religious, and cultural perceptions of Iran - many of which fit traditional stereotypes of Orientalism - the article examines the influence of political and developmental psychology at a time when racial and religious bias were increasingly taboo. Psychology offered more acceptable, scientific ways to understand Iran and the Middle East, though it led to familiar conclusions. While attempting to modernize Iran, policy-makers modernized Orientalism.