“中国”一名源河东的考古学考察

“中国”这一名称可谓源远流长,赋有民族、地理、政治、文化和经济等多种含义,也充分体现了中华民族的民族气质和民族精神。作为国家用名,在世界各国的国名中是极其罕见的。     

蒙元国号概说

蒙古大汗国号的演变较为复杂。先有以族名称国家的YekeMonggholUlus,接着又有其汉语意译形式的“大蒙古国”,汉语简译形式的“大朝’”。此三个国号,使用对象不同,施行地域也不一致。及1271年,名义上的蒙古大汗忽必烈在汉臣王焊、刘夫患的建议下,定立正式双式国号“大元”。“大元”国号的取义,与汉民族传统儒家经典《易经》有密切的关系,也合乎蒙古民族敬天的习俗,并与“大蒙古国”、“大朝”一脉相承。“大元”国号的定立,包含了赢取中原正统的政治与文化企图,反映了蒙古从游牧国家到中原王朝转变的完成。     

大清国号述论

16 16年 ,努尔哈赤建立国号“金”;16 36年 ,皇太极易国号为“大清”。“金”国号作为女真政治与民族共同体的鲜明标帜 ,在努尔哈赤创业的过程中 ,发挥了重要的作用 ;然而皇太极时期 ,“金”国号已不足以范围其未来的发展 ,更不利于安抚其已统辖的汉、蒙民族。皇太极新定的国号“大清”,不仅合乎“大元”、“大明”取号的传统 ,气势、取义更胜过“大明”。“大清”国号既顺应了汉人一般的思想观念 ,又能为女真或满洲民族所认同 ,归服皇太极的蒙古各部 ,也必赞成皇太极易“金”为“大清”。如此 ,由“金”而“大清”,绝非简单的名号改易     

“汉”的诞生

“汉”是中国历史上最具影响力的国号之一。自刘邦首用汉国号以后,“汉”为后世诸多汉族与非汉族建国者反复沿用。汉国号所具有的特殊象征意义,又使得“汉”成为域外对中国的一种习惯称谓,并逐渐演化为中国主体民族的族称。面对耳熟能详的“汉”国号,它的确切涵义是什么？汉字、汉族、汉子等称谓又与“汉”有着什么样的渊源呢？     

中世纪主义的起源与流变

从词源学角度来看,“中世纪主义”(medievalism)是从“中世纪的”(medieval)一词衍生而来。从语义学角度来看,“中世纪主义”并不是一个新词,莱斯利·沃克曼赋予了其新的内涵,中世纪主义是创造中世纪的持续进程,一切后中世纪对中世纪的研究、阐释、建构和运用等都可以被称之为中世纪主义。中世纪主义作为一种思潮,始于中世纪结束,一直延续至今。对这种思潮的研究始于20世纪70年代,经过近半个世纪的发展,中世纪主义研究已经成为西方重要的学术研究领域之一。不过,对其展开系统化和理论化研究仍面临着概念界定不清、研究理论不完善等诸多困难和挑战。     

金代封国之号与国号王爵类型

《金史·百官志》与《大金集礼》对金代大、次、小三等封国之号均有记载。《金史·百官志》中的封国名号主要以明昌之制为准,同时也部分地反映了大定之制;《大金集礼》反映的则是天眷和大定时期的封国等第,但两者对封国之号的记载均有缺失。结合金代相关封爵史料,对两书中的封国名号进行对比分析,可以厘清金代不同时期不同等级封国之号的名称。金代国号王爵有一字王、一字国王、两字国王三种类型。三种不同称谓的国号王爵具有不同的含义,是区分王爵等级的重要标准。海陵正隆二年"例降封爵等第"后,国号王爵仅见一字王称谓。国号王爵类型的前后变化与金代政治体制的发展演变密切相关。     

各朝代名称的来历

我国历史悠久,朝代更替纷繁。每朝的创建者要办的第一件事就是确立国号(朝代名称)。国号就是一个国家的称号。《史记·五帝本纪》:“自黄帝至舜皆同姓而异其国号,以章明德。”朝代的名称是由什么决定呢?大致有五个来由:由部族、部落联盟的名称而来;来自创建者原有卦号、爵位;源于创建者政权统治的区域;源于宗族关系;寓意吉祥。具体说:夏:据传禹曾受卦于夏伯,因用以称其政权为“夏”。另据历史学家范文澜先生说,禹的儿子启西迁大夏(山西南部汾浍一带)后,才称“夏”。商:相传商(今河南商丘南)的始祖契曾帮助禹治水有功而受封于商,以后就以“商…     

纪念币上的德意志大学

"德意志"作为一个地理区域,大致涵盖了今天的德国、奥地利、波兰、捷克、意大利等国家,在历史上他们属于德意志国家的范围.本文所指的德意志大学,多由当时德意志民族的神圣罗马帝国(Heiliges R(o)misches Reich deutscher Nation)的皇帝或者德意志邦国的国王所建立. 中世纪晚期,德意志地区...     

八旗汉军的名称及含义沿革考释

八旗汉军是清代八旗组织中至关重要的组成部分,在清军入关前及入关初年,无论从军事上、政治上及满汉民族关系中都发挥着不可替代的特殊作用。但汉军在八旗组织完善过程中,不仅晚于满、蒙八旗,甚至其“汉军”之名称也是在顺治十七年(1660年)才定下来。而在前此汉军形成的数十年中,史学界一般只知有“乌真超哈”一名。笔者认为早在汉军单     

国会大厦的透明度

1990年,东、西德统一,德国人想建立一个地标,以作纪念。他们抚心自问：经历过数十年的政治争斗、战乱、分分合合的折腾和苦难之后,归根究底,什么才是自己民族的核心价值？ 反复思量之后,他们最终认为,经历过纳粹和专制独裁统治期的黑箱、密室政治,阳光之下,“高透明度”的政治,才是他们最最应该珍重的价值。     

Guanhua,Guoyu, and Putonghua: Politics and “proper names” for standard language in modern China

ABSTRACT

Guanhua (official language), Guoyu (national language), and Putonghua (common language) are generally regarded as different names for the same thing in different eras, but from the perspective of cultural history, there are many subtle semantic differences between these three concepts, symbolizing how different social classes and political groups defined their particular experiences, expectations, and efforts to take action. Guoyu, which replaced Guanhua in the late Qing Dynasty, is closely bound up with the construction of modern nationalism. In the 1930s, leftist intellectuals imbued Putonghua with strong proletariat attributes and overtones of indigenous and ethnic equality, wielding it as a tool for critiques against Guoyu. Although Putonghua returned to certain key positions of Guoyu after the mid-1950s, it putatively emphasized the legacy of the leftist language movement, and represented a new political identity. Through these “proper names” for the standard language, it was possible not only to launch a political and social “revolution,” but also to smooth over the historical rifts that this engendered, by repeatedly revising the concepts of “written” and “standard” to form a linear national narrative.     

Asiatics and Chinamen

This article compares two clusters of polemical language. One is comprised of critical uses of the term “Asiatic” in Russian political discourse from the 1890s to the 1910s. The other is Chinese usage, in the 1920s and 1930s, of the term “Zhina,” a Japanese version of “China” which was perceived as injurious to Chinese national pride. The article traces how, in both cases, political and cultural agents criticized their own country and society by adopting an outsider’s perspective – that of the foreigner, who would classify Russia as an “Asiatic” country and call China “Zhina.” The conclusions are relevant for understanding the sources of nationalist rhetoric in modern Russia and China, with implications reaching beyond these two countries.     

Building identities in post-Soviet “de facto states”: cultural and political icons in Nagorno-Karabakh,South Ossetia,Transdniestria, and Abkhazia

Abstract

For states that have recently declared their independence but remained unrecognized “de facto states,” building a national identity is critical in the face of international rejection of their political status. Key elements of this new or re-animated national identity are political and cultural icons symbolizing the new political entity but with historical antecedents. Following Anthony Smith’s ethno-symbolism approach to the study of nationalism and motivated by Jean Gottmann’s research on iconographies in political geography, the article reports the results of nationally representative samples in four post-Soviet de facto states, Nagorno-Karabakh, South Ossetia, Transdniestria, and Abkhazia. Respondents were asked to name up to five political and cultural figures that they admired. The collated results show a great array of local and Russian names in the four republics. Categorizing the names by historical era and by provenance allows a clarification of the extent to which nation building can rely on local heroes. Among the four republics, Nagorno-Karabakh stands out for its ethno-symbolic local character, while Transdniestrian respondents identified few iconic figures. South Ossetia shows a mix of local and Russian names while the respondents in Abkhazia were divided by nationality in their choices.     

广东地名语言文化空间结构及景观特征分析

作为语言符号,地名是人类群体活动、经济开发和区域文化进程中的集中体现。广东地名层从语种上明显可以分为三个层次:古越语地名层、地方方言地名层和全国通用语地名层。从时间上看,唐代以前,广东地名基本上属古越语时期,宋至明和清前期为南方方言地名时期,清末以来为北方书面语地名时期;从空间上看,广东地方方言地名层大抵在宋代已基本形成,清代最终形成粤方言、客家方言和福佬语地名文化景观三分广东的空间分布格局,粤方言地名层主要集中于珠三角及邻近地名,客家方言地名层位于北江和东江间的广大山区、丘陵地带,粤东韩江地区则多是福佬地名文化层;从形成原因分析,广东地名层主要归究于历史时期移民、区域人内口繁衍和土地大规模开发,加之人地矛盾日渐突出又为族群地名文化扩散提供了条件,而社会制度的发展和健全,最终成为广东地名层语言文化景观形成的重要机制     

“History had taken such a large piece out of my life” — Neuroscientist refugees from Hamburg during National Socialism

ABSTRACT

Approximately 9,000 physicians were uprooted for so-called “racial” or “political” reasons by the Nazi regime and 6,000 fled Germany. These refugees are often seen as survivors who contributed to a “brain drain” from Germany. About 432 doctors (all specialties, private and academic) were dismissed from the major German city of Hamburg. Of these, 16 were Hamburg University faculty members dismissed from their government-supported positions for “racial” reasons, and, of these, five were neuroscientists. In a critical analysis, not comprehensively done previously, we will demonstrate that the brain drain did not equal a “brain gain.” The annihilation of these five neuroscientists’ careers under different but similar auspices, their shameful harassment and incarceration, financial expropriation by Nazi ransom techniques, forced migration, and roadblocks once reaching destination countries stalled and set back any hopes of research and quickly continuing once-promising careers. A major continuing challenge is finding ways to repair an open wound and obvious vacuum in the German neuroscience community created by the largely collective persecution of colleagues 80 years ago.     

Gouguo,the “Land of Dogs,” on Ricci's World Map*

When Matteo Ricci designed his famous world map, he made use of European and traditional Chinese sources, which also concerns the distribution of certain toponyms on the map. The present study looks at one particular item: the name Gouguo 狗國, or “Land of Dogs,” which appears near the Bering Strait (then called “Strait of Anián”). Several questions arise in this context: Where does the name Gouguo come from? What can we say in regard to the well-known topos of “dog-headed” people? Which were the works consulted by Ricci? Why did he assign Gouguo to such a remote area and how should we interpret the “layout” of the entire region? The discussion will also look at some adjacent regions and names. The final part offers an hypothesis in regard to the possible political background of this arrangement in ca. 1600.     

The Language of Postwar Intellectual Schmittianism

The article analyzes the work of Hanno Kesting, Reinhart Koselleck, Roman Schnur, and Nicolaus Sombart—four young followers of Carl Schmitt in postwar Germany. Their “intellectual Schmittianism” was less than a full commitment to Schmitt’s political positions, yet had more than an arbitrary similarity with them: it pertained to assumptions, categories, and modes of thought. Drawing on Pocock’s terminology, I identify a particular “language” of intellectual Schmittianism, introduce its key components, and analyze their interaction. I focus on six categories derived from Schmitt’s narrative of European political modernity: discrimination, historical parallels, secularization, global civil war, open/latent civil war, and category blurs. The analysis shows that these categories were interlinked argumentative devices rather than mere rhetoric and that they systematically upheld the postwar scholars’ arguments. While the Schmittian language enabled the young scholars to express their political skepticism without necessarily rejecting the newly adopted institutional forms, it also constrained their choices. Linguistic resources can always be used for novel purposes, yet the dense internal structure of the language of postwar intellectual Schmittianism hindered revaluation and selective utilization. Kesting excluded, the young scholars gradually grew critical of Schmitt to varying degrees, but they never directly confronted his problematic language.     

Biopower,Life and Left Politics

Abstract: The terms biopower and biopolitics have been deployed in widely varying ways in recent critical political analyses. This essay seeks to rescue from the welter of its deployments a general understanding of biopower potentially useful to left political projects. First, recent iterations of the concept of biopower are surveyed. In the main body of the paper, a series of interventions in recent critical debates are used to trace out a critical re‐mapping of the concept of “life” that names the ends of biopower. Biopolitically relevant life is reconsidered in terms of its proper geographical scope, its gender, racial and ethnic specificities, its distinguishing vital qualities, and its relation to temporality (particularly the future). Through this exercise the notion of biopower is redefined so as to provide potential “docking points” for Marxist, feminist and green discourses, and conceptual resources for left struggles against global injustice.     

文明“早熟”与中国古代亲属称谓的泛化

中国古代的亲属称谓不仅标识特定的血缘与姻亲关系,同时以多种途径泛化并用于政治及社会领域。泛化的亲属称谓加强了非亲属成员或组织之间的联系,同时在非亲属成员或组织之间构建了等差有序的责权规范和行为准则。泛化的亲属称谓,旨在凭借血缘组织的力量强化政治控制和社会交往,体现了古人以“循名责实”的方式推进政治、社会关系“血缘化”的尝试和结果。在不同文明或民族中,亲属称谓泛化现象的程度和面貌不尽相同,这与血缘组织在该文明或民族在国家产生过程中扮演的角色,尤其是与血缘组织在国家时代政治生活中的地位高低相关。中国古代国家产生的独特方式所导致的文明“早熟”,决定了亲属称谓泛化现象在国家时代具有普遍性和典型性。