THE ROLE OF FINNISH LEFTISTS IN SOVIET–FINNISH ARTISTIC EXCHANGES DURING THE LATE SOCIALIST PERIOD

The article examines artistic exchanges between the USSR and Finland from the viewpoint of the Finnish left. After WWII, Finland was in a difficult geopolitical position; although not occupied by the USSR, it received little support from the West and so remained an independent capitalist democracy, with little foreign leverage. The Soviet influence was felt in many areas, and throughout the Cold War, Finland received many more world-class Soviet artists than any other Western country. This was in part a consequence of Finland’s proximity to the USSR, but the Finnish Communist Party, a major domestic political force, also played a role. Immediately after the war, organizations associated with the Finnish Communist Party enjoyed a virtual monopoly over such exchanges, but this began to change in the mid-1950s. Around that time, the USSR began to allow Finnish artists to train and perform at its world-class arenas, and many of those Finnish students had links with the political left. Based on interviews and supported by archival material from Finland and Russia, the article explores the role of the Finnish left in these artistic exchanges.     

Gombrich’s critique of Hauser’s Social History of Art

This article examines E.H. Gombrich’s critical appraisal of Arnold Hauser’s book, The Social History of Art. Hauser’s Social History of Art was published in 1951, a year after Gombrich’s bestseller, The Story of Art. Although written in Britain for an English-speaking public, both books had their origins in the intellectual history of Central Europe: Gombrich was an Austrian art historian and Hauser was Hungarian. Gombrich’s critique, published in The Art Bulletin in 1953, attacked Hauser’s dialectical materialism and his sociological interpretation of art history. Borrowing arguments from Karl Popper’s critique of historicism, Gombrich described Hauser’s work as collectivist and deterministic, tendencies at odds with his own conception of art history. However, in his readiness to label Hauser a proponent of historical materialism, Gombrich failed to recognize Hauser’s own criticism of deterministic theories of art, especially formalism. This article investigates Gombrich’s reasons for rejecting Hauser’s sociology of art. It argues Gombrich used Hauser as an ideological counterpoint to his own version of art history, avowedly liberal and individualist in outlook.     

From Cold War battleground to a footnote to history? Labour history in divided and unified Germany

History of labor and industrial relations was a well-established and mutually contested subdiscipline in both parts of Germany during the Cold War. Though it did not stand in the center of the overall settling of accounts with the communist past in unified Germany the swift opening of all relevant archival sources made sure that these themes established themselves as relevant topics on the research agenda about the history of the GDR. Profiting both from an advanced state of art in West Germany and a handful of original innovators in East Germany the GDR was explored and increasingly understood as an essentially ‘work-centered society’ governed by a panoptic ‘welfare dictatorship’. When it came to interpreting the multifold and heterogeneous findings one line of reasoning gained peculiar attractiveness, namely to read the East German ‘case’ as a variant of Fordist modernization in the middle of the twentieth century which unable to face the challenges of globalization.     

A Loving Attack on Caputo’s ‘Caputolism’ and his Refusal of Communism

Abstract

For various reasons, John D. Caputo is one of my favorite philosophers. However, one may identify two basic weaknesses or contradictions when it comes to his thoughts on political economy: (1) Caputo insists on capitalism—even if it be a significantly transformed capitalism (what I will be calling here “Caputolism”)—but he does not question whether capitalism can accommodate the required reforms; and (2) Caputo’s refusal to entertain the possibility of communism as a good/better alternative to capitalism, even though he has referred to an earthly “Kingdom of God” composed of a “radical community of equals”—which (strongly) resembles communism, thus rendering his refusal of communism all the more perplexing.     

焦作出土汉代陶仓楼的艺术特征

焦作出土汉代陶仓楼系目前保存下来较为完整的中国秦汉建筑的实物例证,其种类多,特色鲜明,具有较高的艺术价值和深厚的民族文化内涵。本文根据历年来相关考古报告和研究资料,并在实地考察部分馆藏作品的基础上,逐一对不同形制的陶仓楼进行了考释。     

论艺术中介的管理

随着市场经济的不断深入与发展,艺术中介在艺术市场上作用越来越大并不断凸显出艺术流通中的主导地位。如何加强艺术中介的管理已到了必须从学理上进行总结与分析的时候。本试着从管理学的角度分析了艺术中介管理的原则、管理、场地选择、社会关系、资金来源、人事管理、广告宣传和品牌意识。旨在为艺术管理学做一些基础性的工作。     

关于加强党风廉政建设的几点思考

党风廉政建设是执政党建设面临的重大课题。深入分析现阶段反腐败斗争存在的主要问题,积极探索新形势下惩治和预防腐败的有效对策,以切实改进党的作风和着力加强反腐倡廉建设,是全党必须始终抓好的重大政治任务。     

中国艺术考古学的奠基

艺术考古学作为一门在考古学与艺术学的边缘地带产生的交叉学科,其形成和确立顺应了考古学与艺术学学科发展的必然趋势;同样,考古学与艺术学理论的发展也为艺术考古学的建立奠定了理论和实践上的坚实基础。     

行政腐败成因探微——官僚制范式与公共选择范式之比较

随着社会的不断发展,腐败现象及其成因日趋多样化和复杂化。本文以介绍探究腐败成因的官僚制范式和公共选择范式为重点,阐述了官僚制范式和公共选择范式的主要内容及其相关理论,并就两种范式的优缺点进行了比较研究。     

加强反腐倡廉的法制建设

加强反腐倡廉建设应当注重法制,发挥法律和制度对公共权力的规范和制约功能,形成权力相互协调、相互制约、相互监督的运行机制,逐步铲除腐败现象产生的土壤和条件,实现用制度办事、靠制度管人、按制度行使权力。这就要求建立和完善反腐倡廉的法制体系,以保证人民赋予的权力用来为人民谋利益。     

论包世臣的吏治思想

首先,包世臣认为,为官要为民爱民,而要为民爱民,就必须通民情,为民兴利除弊;其次,他主张慎选官吏,把培养和选拔好的官吏特别是州牧县令视为整饬吏治的关键,因为州牧县令的为政好坏,是为民爱民,还是残民以逞,是兴利除弊,还是贪赃枉法,无不关系着封建统治秩序的稳定和人民群众的切身利益;再次,他认为官吏要精通吏事,应努力提高自己的施政能力和统治技巧,他还就此问题进行了认真探讨,提出了许多好的意见;第四,他要求清除腐败,认为清除腐败是整肃吏治、缓和当时尖锐社会矛盾的当务之急,并就如何清除腐败提出了自己的主张和建议.     

Provinciality and the art world: the Midland Group 1961–1977

This paper takes as its focus the Midland Group Gallery in order to, first, make a case for the consideration of the geographies of art galleries; second, highlight the importance of galleries in the context of cultural geographies of the 1960s and third, discuss the role of provinciality in the operation of art worlds. In doing so, it explicates one set of geographies surrounding the gallery—those of the local, regional and international networks that are connected to produce art works and art space. It reveals how the interactions between places and practices outside of metropolitan and regional hierarchies provide a more nuanced insight into how art worlds operated during the 1960s, a period of growing internationalism of art, and how contested definitions of the provincial played an integral role in this. The paper charts the operations of the Midland Group Gallery and the spaces that it occupied to demonstrate how it was representative of a post-war discourse of provincialism and a corresponding re-evaluation of regional cultural activity.     

唐代诏敕的用典艺术简

唐代诏敕即唐朝皇帝的圣旨。宣谕天子之命、教化臣民的政治功用性。以及草诏者高超的文章技巧,赋予了唐代诏敕高雅华丽的主体风貌,纯熟的用典艺术是它突出的文学特征之一。用典美化了唐代诏敕的文章形式：使其语辞华丽,对仗严整,切合声律;使其援古证今,言之有据;使其减少了冗词赘句,以微言传达出深意。对唐代诏敕用典艺术的考察,是一项有意义的文学研究活动。     

John Breuilly: ‘Eric Hobsbawm: nationalism and revolution’

This article considers how Eric Hobsbawm (1917–2012) connected the concepts of revolution and nationalism, analysing this in relation to his biography, his politics and his work as a professional historian. It traces major changes in Hobsbawm's understanding of revolution and nationalism as he, the political world and the ways of writing history all changed over the course of his long life.     

北宋文武官员恩荫制度探究

北宋时期以恩荫补官极为盛行,官员子弟入仕多不由科举,而是通过各种名目的恩荫补得正官、散阶、馆阁职、试衔或得赐出身。宋仁宗朝,面对滥行恩荫的状况,范仲淹提出了“抑侥幸”之策。但从内容看,抑侥幸之策完全是建立在照顾大官僚及其亲属利益基础上的一项改良措施,带有很大的折中性和调和性。而崇宁、政和间改订的荫补办法,在指导思想上更没有走出“荫贵”和“荫亲”的框套。北宋滥施恩荫的结果,既加重了冗官之弊,又导致官吏整体素质下降,腐败了社会政治生活。