共查询到15条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
Mark J. Rozell 《Perspectives on Political Science》2013,42(2):69-70
Abstract A striking feature of contemporary Christianity is the new consensus that has emerged about politics. Almost all churches and theologians now believe that the form of government most compatible with the Christian religion is democracy. Of course, an important difference still exists between Christians who support liberal democracy and those who cling to hopes for some kind of Marxist rule. But even this difference implies that the only serious debate is not whether democracy should be preferred to monarchy or to theocracy, but which kind of democracy is best—a democracy based on human rights (liberal democracy) or a democracy based on a more radical notion of human liberation (socialist democracy). For contemporary Christians, it seems obvious that the Gospel message of care for the poor and universal love implies democratic institutions. 相似文献
2.
Robert J. Cook 《American Nineteenth Century History》2013,14(2):145-167
The difficult but by no means dysfunctional relationship between President Abraham Lincoln and Congress remains an understudied aspect of Civil War history. Indeed, it is impossible to arrive at a comprehensive or convincing explanation for Union victory until that relationship is limned more precisely. This article contends that U.S. Senator William Pitt Fessenden (1806–69) played a critical mediating role in the wartime Congress. He did so firstly in his capacities as chair of the Senate finance committee and close associate of U.S. Secretary of the Treasury Salmon P. Chase and secondly as a public supporter of executive war powers. Although the influential Maine Republican had serious doubts about the effectiveness of the Lincoln administration, his determination to quash the southern rebellion and considerable powers of self‐restraint enabled him to act as an important and constructive broker between the White House and the fractious Republicans on Capitol Hill. 相似文献
3.
Jon D. Schaff 《Perspectives on Political Science》2013,42(1):28-34
Abstract Abraham Lincoln presented a lecture in 1858–1859 on the process of “Discoveries and Invention.” In this lecture he discusses man's desire to improve his condition and the use of technology to that end. The process of discovery and invention allows man to develop that technology and alleviate his state. Education, especially literacy, allows knowledge to be passed down through time, facilitating yet further improvement. Yet, Lincoln warns that human nature can also become raw material, as seen in the institution of slavery. In light of Lincoln's more commonly known natural rights argument against slavery, this warning about human nature takes on greater significance. Coupled with an address on agriculture from 1859, Lincoln's lecture on discovery and invention attempts to illustrate the liberating power of invention and education while reminding us of the limits posed by man's natural equality. 相似文献
4.
《Political Theology》2013,14(4):594-607
AbstractThis article maps several key moments in the evolution of religious symbolism and language on US currency, focusing largely on Abraham Lincoln's overlooked role in signing the motto "In God We Trust" into law. Interpreting the motto through the lens of Lincoln's "Second Inaugural Address"—which he delivered just one day after Congress passed the first statute allowing "In God We Trust" to be stamped on US coins—offers a counter-intuitive interpretation of the motto that functions as a deep, ironic, and historically significant critique of religious nationalism. 相似文献
5.
This article narrates the role of oral testimony in the fieldof Abraham Lincoln studies from 1865 through the 1930s. Collectedin the form of letters, affidavits, and face-to-face interviews,this mounting body of "eyewitness evidence" dominated the discoursefor two generations and reflective, public practice culminatedin the organization of a "Lincoln Inquiry" in the Midwest duringthe 1920s and 1930s. For a time, practitioners successfullydefended themselves against increasing positivist assaults onthe credibility of oral testimony. Their interests and effortsresonate with later oral history practice and theory about method,authorship, performance, and memory, and their story highlightsthe contingency inherent in the development of oral historicalpractice in America. 相似文献
6.
1878年发生在新墨西哥领地内的“林肯县战争”,是美国西部开发时期一次非常重要的牧区战争。它的爆发不是偶然的,有着深刻的政治和经济原因。这次长达5个月的流血冲突,是圣菲集团支持下的墨菲派与竞争对手麦克斯温—滕斯托尔派争夺对林肯县经济和政治控制权的必然结果。战争结局实质上是一种政治分赃,确保了墨菲家族在林肯县的垄断地位。“比利小子”在这场流血冲突中只不过是麦克斯温—滕斯托尔派雇用的一名枪手,但在后来的许多传说中,他却成了“林肯县战争”的主角。一个多世纪以来,关于“比利小子”的历史著作、小说、电影、歌曲和传说不计其数。“圣徒比利”取代了“魔鬼比利”,“林肯县战争”却被人淡忘了,即或有人偶尔记得它,也是从“比利小子”的出场背景中得知的,“林肯县战争”的真相则完全被“比利小子”的传说湮没或扭曲了。 相似文献
7.
RACHEL D. HUTCHINS 《Nations & Nationalism》2011,17(3):649-668
ABSTRACT. American history textbooks for the USA's public schools act as quasi‐official loci for the renegotiation of national identity and are, as such, subject to much controversy. The choice of heroes and the way in which textbooks depict them display the interplay between competing visions of popular ethno‐history and scholarly historiography. This article examines contemporary renegotiation of the national narrative through an analysis of the evolving representation of the USA's two most prominent traditional national heroes – George Washington and Abraham Lincoln – in history textbooks for elementary‐school students published from the early 1980s to 2003. This period marks the development of the multiculturalist movement and its subsequent conservative backlash, with debates intensifying in the wake of the events of 11 September 2001. 相似文献
8.
Melvyn Stokes 《American Nineteenth Century History》2013,14(2):203-231
Comparatively little work has been done on how Abraham Lincoln has been represented in American cinema. Yet movies have been a major – and during the first half of the twentieth century probably the major – influence on how his memory has been constructed in American popular culture. This article analyzes changing representations of Lincoln on screen, showing that differing cinematic constructions of the sixteenth president were shaped by a range of factors, including popular biographies and the biases of directors. They also echoed salient issues of the era in which they were produced and more general changes in American attitudes. 相似文献
9.
美国内战期间,南部邦联财政政策的主要目标是筹措资金。为达到此目的,南部邦联政府采取了征税和发行国库券与债券等措施。由于通过征税获得的财政收入微乎其微,南部邦联政府的财政资金便主要依靠发行国库券和债券。此举固然使得南部邦联政府短期获得一部分可支配资金,但由于南部邦联没有坚实雄厚的财政基础,又得不到外来有力的资金援助和支持,因此南部邦联财政政策并未实现既定目标,反而引发了通货膨胀和物价飞涨,加剧了南部邦联的民心涣散,最终加速了南部邦联的失败。 相似文献
10.
中国学近50年来对美国黑人史的研究可分为三个时期。20世纪50—70年代,美国黑人史研究在中国成为一个研究热点,取得一批重要成果,但不可避免带有政治化的倾向。80年代,黑人史研究略显沉寂,处于承上启下阶段。90年代以来,取得很大的进展,研究的领域和深度都有所拓展和深入。但总的看来,我国的美国黑人史研究还远未成熟,尚处于起步和奠基阶段。 相似文献
11.
Populations are affected by shocks of different kinds, and wars, a priori, may be among the most prominent. This article studies the effect of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) shock on the distribution of population, especially on cities. One of the main contributions of this study is that it underlines the importance of distinguishing between winning and losing sides, an aspect which until now has been largely overlooked. While previous research on war shocks has also tended to be concerned with inter-state wars, this paper concentrates on a civil war. We take advantage of a new, long-term, annual data set. Our results show that, overall, the Spanish Civil War did not have a significant effect on city growth. However, we also find a significant and negative effect in the growth of cities that aligned themselves with the losing side. These results are robust to heterogeneity in the effect of the war shock, measured as war severity and duration. Although short lived, the temporary effect on growth results in a permanent effect on the size of cities on the losing side. 相似文献
12.
This article explores the linguistic experiences of transnational soldiers, using the Spanish Civil War as a case study. It argues that communication difficulties provoked by linguistic diversity within the Republican war effort and particularly within the International Brigades, caused the high command to move from a utopian, internationalist policy to a more pragmatic approach. The article evaluates the role played by language intermediaries in this evolving policy and in the wider Republican war effort. Finally, it argues that soldiers grassroots experiences of language contact forged new linguistic forms which underlined a strong sense of shared purpose and identity. 相似文献
13.
Dennis Duffy 《The American review of Canadian studies》2013,43(3):228-241
Frederick G. Scott's World War I war memoir, The Great War As I Saw It, contains the sole unofficial eyewitness recording of a court martial execution that we possess. The case of William Alexander 20726, executed in October 1917, for desertion in the face of the enemy compelled Scott to devote more printed space to it than to the death of his own son, Henry. A discussion based upon a close reading of Scott's memoir and an exposition from archival sources of Alexander's case demonstrates the ways in which Scott evades the case's disturbing implications echoes wider aspects of Canada's early memorialization of the Great War. 相似文献
14.
高技术条件下的人类、战争与环境--以1991年海湾战争为例 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
科技进步和军事变革互为条件、共同发展。战争作为“流血的政治”,其根本属性并没有随着科技进步而改变。它不仅是人类社会内部的严重冲突,更是特定生态系统中人与环境的对立。与以往的战争模式相比,高技术战争看似“人道”,却凸显出人与环境之关系更趋紧张的态势。以1991年海湾战争为例,战争双方滥用科技带来的破坏,几乎超出了自然环境的自我恢复能力和人类重建家园能力。无论联军还是伊军,都是环境的破坏者,他们连同平民一起又是环境破坏后果的最终承担者。从人与环境的关系入手审视高技术战争,使我们看到了现有的战争伦理的局限性。 相似文献
15.
Susannah Heschel 《Political Theology》2020,21(1-2):23-42
ABSTRACTThis paper explores the sharp differences in the understanding of the Hebrew prophets by theologians, Jewish and Protestant, in Germany and the United States, with a particular focus on their invocation of prophetic teachings in relation to social and political movements. The sharp denigrations of the prophets – described as ecstatics (Gunkel) or rural naifs (Troeltsch) rendered the prophets useless as figures of inspiration in Germany in relation to racism, colonialism, and WWI. By contrast, the prophets have played a crucial role in American civil thought, especially in the Civil Rights Movement. The distinctive and influential interpretation of prophetic consciousness developed by the German-American Jewish theologian Abraham Joshua Heschel is examined for its parallels with the prophetic theology of Martin Luther King, Jr., and the political ramifications of Heschel's link between prophetic revelation and political leadership. 相似文献