Racism and Nationalism

Abstract. The article seeks to define the relationship between nationalism and racism in modem times. First, it defines racism as one of the principal nineteenth-century ideologies, sharply focused and centred upon the human body itself as its most potent symbol. Then it discusses nationalism as a much more loosely constructed faith which made alliances with most nineteenth-century ideologies such as liberalism, conservatism and socialism. When nationalism allied itself with racism it made racism operative -for example, within the integral nationalist movements from the end of the nineteenth century onwards. The article discusses how this alliance came about, and its consequences. It concludes that racism was never an indispensable element of nationalism. Moreover, it was not merely a form of discrimination, but a determinate way of looking at men and women which presented a total picture of the world. If nationalism made racism a reality, racism came to dominate nationalism once an alliance between the two movements had been consummated.     

How elections are fought in Ascoli: kinship,politics, history and culture

Based on fieldwork and archival study in a small north Puglian town, this article explores the complex interrelationship between kinship and politics. In the context of a recent local election, it seeks to show how ties of kinship and affinity provide a moral framework and idiom for civic cooperation, and how shared political ideologies and a common political heritage define and reinforce a sense of lineage identity. It argues that a failure to engage with the implications of 'kinship beyond the household' has both detracted from the analysis of Italian local politics and impeded our understanding of the long-term resilience of wider kinship forms,especially in periods of acute system change.     

Cultural policy archetypes: the bathwater and the baby

ABSTRACT

Cultural policy archetypes have been fundamental to comparative cultural policy study and continue to be influential in both everyday and scholarly characterizations of national cultural policy systems. This paper explores the proposition that cultural policy archetypes reflect what people believe to be true about culture – their cultural ideologies. Cultural ideologies are integral to the formation of cultural policy and, thus, must be considered in any theory that hopes to measure the extent to which and explain why cultural policies differ. Cultural ideologies embody ideas about why culture is important and how it should be governed. Those ideologies spotlight certain administrative mechanisms, overemphasizing their role in systems that actually are deeply administratively hybrid. This makes archetypes poor tools for analyzing the mechanisms of cultural policy; however, because archetypes tell us about cultural ideologies in straightforward and powerful ways, it is essential that they continue to be a part of comparative cultural policy study.     

Nation-building and Canada's national symbolic order, 1993–2015

This article examines the symbolic construction of Canadian national identity by the 1993–2006 Liberal governments and the 2006–2015 Conservative governments. To do so, it employs the concept of a ‘national symbolic order’, which refers to the complex set of public symbols that invoke, transport, and define claims to a shared national identity. Within Canada's national symbolic order, we focus on the state's use of national symbols across two domains: Speeches from the Throne and banknotes. Our analysis shows that Canada's recent Conservative government has used both of these domains to reshape Canadian national identity in ways that accord with neo-conservative values and ideology, and that it has done so in a coherent, consistent, and comprehensive fashion. This analysis highlights the symbolic strategies employed by state actors in linking particular ideologies to their nation-building projects; these strategies span multiple political and policy spaces.     

Language and Nationalism: Comparing Flanders and Tanzania

Abstract. Language is often a central issue in nationalist ideologies. It is seen as a crucial element in the definition of people's identities, and it is often a battlefield for nationalist activities. An analysis of how language is conceptualised and made part of a particular nationalist struggle may yield insights into the ideological structure of this particular nationalism, and thus lead to more refined ways of distinguishing between various types of nationalisms. In this article, a comparison is made between language in Flemish nationalism and in Tanzanian post-Ujamaa nationalism. In both cases, great emphasis is placed by the nation-builders on the central role of language in attaining the nationalist goals. However, a comparison of both cases also yields significant differences. The Flemish view of language is predominantly ethnic. Dutch is seen as an inalienable marker of identity, shared with the Dutch people, and creating a fundamental difference with the Walloon Belgians. Also, language is closely associated with the territory on which it is being spoken, which yields a homogeneistic and assimilationist attitude towards speakers of other languages on Flemish temtory. In Tanzania, Swahili is seen as an instrument for attaining a socialist political- ideological hegemonisation of the state. Swahili is chosen not for cultural reasons, but because it allows for egalitarian, socialist connotations. Underlying both language ideologies are basic differences in the structure of nationalism in Flanders and Tanzania, Flanders being an example of ethnic nationalism and Tanzania an example of socialist state nationalism.     

The renaissance of sausage: The role of Kranjska sausage in the contemporary process of reconstructing the Slovenian nation

The article discusses the contemporary reconstruction of the Kranjska sausage as a national dish by exploring different actors in this process. This representative culinary object played a significant role in the formation and development of Slovene national consciousness from the Spring of Nations onward, faced devaluation in socialist era and experienced a renaissance in the new millennium, when it was also given a role in the project of the construction of the nation‐state. The modern rebirth of the Kranjska sausage is presented as an interrelated and complex process due to many factors: the efforts of an influential ethnologist, the role of an institution dedicated to the Kranjska sausage, and other persons, groups, and institutions with different objectives, ideas, and understandings. The article conceptualizes nationalizing as an everyday practice, as a network, or collection of people, practices, places, institutions, ideologies, objects, technologies, and ideas that define people's subjectivity and shape their actions and imaginations.     

Liberal dilemmas,conservative problems: F.A. Hayek and ideological tension

The late Austrian philosopher and economist Friedrich von Hayek is well‐known for expounding a variety of liberalism which is informed by conservative insights. The tensions implicit in this ideological fusion are many, and critics disagree on the extent to which his ‘conservative‐liberal’ synthesis is a viable one. With reference to the tension which exists within, as well as between, the liberal and conservative ideologies, this paper argues that the importance of Hayek's synthesis is not its internal coherence (to the extent that this can be ascertained). Rather, the major contribution of his synthesis resides in its illumination of the tensions exemplified by both the ideologies he attempted to combine.     

世界历史：马克思的概念及思想体系——兼谈西方全球史学的成就与局限

为了回应西方全球史学对我国世界史教学、研究和编撰工作提出的挑战,本文对马克思的“世界历史”概念及思想体系进行了系统的考察,提出各民族“普遍联系”论和“社会形态”演进论,可视作其“世界历史”概念及思想体系的两个要点或思路,认为有关“世界历史”的横向发展问题和纵向发展问题它都注意到了。然后,本文就由此产生的五大问题进行了初步的探讨,并通过这种探讨来揭示马克思“世界历史”概念的丰富内涵,论证人类社会的演化而非横向联系才是构成世界历史的主线,“大工业”的发展仅是世界历史中两种趋势发生“交集”的开始,而“国际社会”的形成和发展才是两种趋势的“真正交集点”,西方的全球史不是完整的世界史,因而不能取代传统的世界史。     

Water from a Rock: Archaeology,Ideology, and the Bible

In a series of studies over the last decade, Avi Faust suggested that several ideologies of ancient Israel could be identified on the basis of archaeological features (four-room houses, tombs, certain pottery vessels, etc.), namely, egalitarianism, simplicity, unity, and purity. The aim of this paper is to review these studies, asking what ideology is and if it can be retrieved from archaeology. While “there are multiple dangers when walking into the field of ideology” (Vincent 2010:21), avoiding discussion is not an option. In my view, most of the things identified by Faust are not ideologies. To the extent that they have an ideological content, it is based not on archaeological remains, but on a conservative reading of the Hebrew Bible. The identified “ideologies” are described as static, valid for the entire society, and eternal (from the Iron Age I until the end of the Kingdoms of Israel and Judah). They turn ancient Israel into an ideal society, a model for our times—but an unrealistic one.     

The space between: globalization,liminal spaces and personal relations in rural Costa Rica

Globalization facilitates the movement of people, goods, ideologies and even diseases across borders and into local communities. This article explores the liminal space created by tourism in the rural Costa Rican community of Monteverde as a site where the movement of people, especially Western women (women from the global North), intersects, contests and even reinforces existing heteropatriarchal ideologies. Theories from feminist geography and anthropology provide a lens for understanding and interpreting how Western women and local residents (both male and female) perceive, construct and interact with each other. We argue that ‘liminality’ or the sense of being ‘betwixt and between’ – physically, socially and ideologically – allows Western women a space to both challenge the hegemony of heteropatriarchal ideology and reconstitute it in their sexual relationships with local men. We also explore the implications that sexual relationships between Western women and local men have for local women. We stress the urgency to understand and articulate the nature of these sexual relationships in light of the growing HIV/AIDS epidemic.     

Toxic Encounters,Settler Logics of Elimination,and the Future of a Continent

This paper engages the relationship between toxic geographies and settler colonialism. By bringing to light larger structures and histories that underpin the settler colonial project, I examine a series of toxic encounters and consider the racialised hegemonic narratives that enable the production toxicity. Among these is a methylmercury contamination in Northern Ontario, just upstream from Grassy Narrows First Nation, and a cluster of toxic conversations that bled through social media in the wake of the murder of Colten Boushie, a 22‐year‐old Cree man in Saskatchewan, Canada. I argue that examining the normative ideologies, settler narratives, and socio‐political structures that are involved in the production of toxicity provides valuable insight into the diffuse and relational colonial logics that define the lives that are privileged as the standard, and those that fall outside the regulatory category of the Human, and as a result, are subject to elimination.     

The Ideological Foundations of Arguments About Native Title

The political disputes over native title in Australia have generally been interpreted without recourse to ordinary ideological categories. The general failure to engage with ideology has hampered scholarly analysis, stunting the vocabulary and content of debate, as well as giving the content of public deliberation on the issue a curiously free-floating quality. In this article it is contended that arguments about native title are amenable to being understood as a product of the interaction of a range of well-known normative frameworks: liberalism, social democracy, conservatism, nationalism, socialism and transcendentalism. Each of these six ideologies furnishes rationales both for and against native title by focusing on different elements or preoccupations within the respective ideological traditions. A typological framework is proposed which outlines a range of ideal type positions in relation to native title.     

Partitioning,phytocommunicability and plant pieties

Just as Moroccans encounter plant parts separated from the ground on a daily basis, so too do they engage more than one model for relating to plants. Different plant partitions entice a varying array of interlocutors and interactants through sensory channels and communicability ideologies. In this article, the author introduces phytocommunicability, a process of mobilizing multiple interactional ideologies in interspecies communication. She suggests that phytocommunicative pluralism is key to understanding how plant piety is recognizable, yet unknowable.     

Constructions of Australia in pro‐ and anti‐asylum seeker political discourse

ABSTRACT. Whilst there has been a proliferation of research on the role of nationalism in the exclusion of asylum seekers, less attention has been paid to how nationalism can be mobilised in accounts opposing, rather than supporting, harsh anti‐asylum seeker regimes. This paper compares the ways in which ‘Australia’ is constructed and used in parliamentary speeches on asylum seekers by both refugee advocates and those seeking harsher asylum seeker laws in Australia. This dual focus is particularly important as it highlights the flexibility of nationalist discourse, in that the same constructions of the nation may be used for both exclusive and inclusive purposes. Whilst typologies of inclusive and exclusive nationalisms, such as Smith's (1991) ethnic/civic typology, focus on the content of nationalist ideologies, we argue that the inclusivity or exclusivity of nationalism can best be determined by examining the subject positions, political solutions and social realities they make possible, and who these discourses benefit and oppress.     

Urban homesteading and intensive mothering: (re) gendering care and environmental responsibility in Boston and Chicago

In this article, we explore how normative ideologies of good mothering are being reproduced and contested through urban homesteading, a sustainable lifestyle that emphasizes household self-provisioning. Urban homesteading practices may include gardening and urban agriculture, canning, and pickling, and a variety of do-it-yourself and craft projects. Based on qualitative research with 19 urban homesteading households with children in the Boston and Chicago Metropolitan areas, we argue that urban homesteading discourses and practices reflect and align with intensive mothering ideologies in the United States. Intensive mothering ideologies encourage a selfless devotion of physical, emotional, and mental energy to childrearing, and are often associated with individualized, privileged, and gendered subjectivities. We find these intensive mothering ideologies especially visible in the ways that mothers perceive and respond to environmental risk by adopting and enacting urban homesteading labors. We also note that the choice to respond to risk by homesteading is often, but not always, mediated and animated by economic, temporal, and social privilege. In this way, urban homesteading and surrounding discourses may inadvertently raise the bar of ‘good’ motherhood in ways that demand more of women and marginalize or burden mothers with less resources and privilege. However, rather than dismiss homesteading entirely on these grounds, we suggest that it may be possible to harvest impulses of care, connection, and collectivity associated with homesteading in ways that benefit rather than burden all mothers.     

Policies and Ideologies of the Kim Jong-un Regime in North Korea: Theoretical Implications

Soon after the death of Kim Jong-il on 17 December 2011, his youngest and previously least-known son, Kim Jong-un, was declared the next leader of North Korea. At least for now, it seems clear that the Kim Jong-un regime is determined to uphold the established policies and ideologies of its predecessor. The present study attempts to explain why that is the case using path-dependence theory. Obviously, the old policies and ideologies are intimately bound up with the political processes of the present regime. North Korea’s unique monolithic system, comprising the Juche ideology and the military-first policy, which was constructed during the Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il regimes, has exerted a comprehensive influence on the country’s political and socioeconomic development processes for decades, and it is clear that the existing policy and the institutional framework based on it wield a powerful influence on the current political processes. This greatly restricts the autonomy and the range of choices of the new incumbent, suggesting that path dependence is relevant in the case of the North Korean regime.     

Aquatic spaces and women's places: a comparative reading of George Eliot's The Millon the Floss and Alexandros Papadiamantis's H ϕóνıσσα

Abstract

This article will attempt a comparative reading of George Eliot' The Mill on the Floss (1860) and Alexandros Papadiamantis's H ?óν?σσα (1903), aiming to illustrate how both texts are preoccupied with the problem of inventing spaces for their deviant and superfluous female characters. Although enmeshed in the dominant ideologies of their time, such as the evolutionary pattern of life as a sign of progress, and women's marginalisation and domestication within this model, these novels simultaneously reject these ideologies. Interestingly, both Eliot's and Papadiamantis's problematic heroines are associated with water and experience a cathartic death by water. As a deus ex machina, the overflowing waters of the river in the first case, and the rising waves of the sea in the latter, provide a sanctuary, an intermediate space, where the two exiled heroines escape from traditional definitions of women as homeless containers or empty receptacles. George Eliot's Maggie and Papadiamantis's Frangoyannou discover an alternative geography in water, as the Darwinian aquatic space, a site of contestation, is reappropriated and transformed into a nursing space. This return to an intrauterine bliss, however, apart from its revolutionary potential, signifies also a return to essentialism and suggests the impossibility of ascribing any space to women except for that of endless metaphoricity. In the open-endedness of these two texts, women are floating signifiers, both promoting and transcending female archetypes.     

Electricity Transformed: Neoliberalism and Local Energy in the United States

Abstract: The concept of neoliberalism is explored with respect to the history of the electricity industry and policy in the USA. Rather than view “neoliberalism” as an all‐encompassing form of governmentality or a hegemonic regime, it is instead situated in a political field of competing ideologies, policies, practices, and agents that includes social liberalism, socialism, and cooperativism, with hegemonic and redistributive forms of both social liberalism and neoliberalism distinguished. The field approach enables a dynamic interpretation of the history of the electricity industry in the USA that tracks the relative role of government intervention in the economy, scale shifts in the level of government intervention, and the extent to which the policies favor elite accumulation or redistribution to less favored economic categories. The field approach also enables an analysis of local responses to market restructuring that suggest some examples of redistributive politics, even local socialism, that have emerged as a consequence of marketplace restructuring.     

Research note: The Scottish household survey

Abstract

My personal recollection of the ‘relevance revolution’ in the 1970s is that it was a reaction to a quantitative geography that was overly-focused on technique and under-concerned with real-world issues. The consequent search for relevance took the form of a commitment to liberal- and left-leaning ideologies and issues. This differed from concepts of relevance as pertinence/timeliness, or as applied geography. Postmodern thought is significant in current debates on relevance in all three of its manifestations: relevance as commitment, pertinence and application.     

Linguistic Ideologies,Text Regulation,and the Question of Post-Structuralism

Three works are reviewed that make significant contributions to anthropological linguistics. Two address theoretical and ethnographic concerns regarding linguistic ideologies and the dilemmas they pose for speech practices such as text regulation. Such practices are harnessed to cultural projects such as language modernization and nationalism. The third, a post-structuralist reading of language-and-culture studies concerned with orality and literacy, brings post-structuralist theory into conversation with ethnographers of communication and other students of language. This article argues that such an intervention is welcome and long overdue, though it questions what form this intervention should take.