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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(5):555-566
A senior American specialist on China and noted geographer argues that the preoccupation of China geographers' with empirical analyses of that country's dramatic economic, social, and urban transformation over the last two decades—usually explained in terms of the now familiar quadruple forces of globalization, marketization, deregulation, and decentralization—should be broadened to reflect a concern for the problems of disadvantaged groups impacted negatively in dynamic urban and environmental settings. The methodology of reflexive activism is proposed as affording a framework for a more relevant geography focused on the study of China, with the potential to bring about positive and constructive change on behalf of China's disadvantaged population and its natural environment, and (as a possible side benefit) generate local epistemologies enriching the study of geography more broadly. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: P30. 68 references. 相似文献
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Abstract: As environmental justice concerns become more widely embedded in environmental organizations and policymaking, and increasingly the focus of academic study, the gender dimension dissolves into an exclusive focus on race/ethnicity and class/income. While grassroots campaigning activities were often dominated by women, in the more institutionalized activities of organizations dominated by salaried professionals, gender inequality is neglected as a vector of environmental injustice, and addressing this inequality is not considered a strategy for redress. This paper explores some of the reasons why this may be so, which include a lack of visibility of gendered environmental injustice; professional campaigning organizations which are themselves gender blind; institutions at a range of scales which are still structured by gender (as well as class and race) inequalities; and an intellectual academy which continues to marginalize the study of gender—and women's—inequality. The authors draw on experience of environmental activism, participant observation, and other qualitative research into the gendering of environmental activity, to first explore the constructions of scale to see how this might limit a gender-fair approach to environmental justice. Following this, the practice of \"gender mainstreaming\" in environmental organizations and institutions will be examined, demonstrating how this is limited in scope and fails to impact on the gendering of environmental injustice. 相似文献
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Does environmental regulation vary over poor and minority communities? An uneven governmental response may follow from regulators' varying incentives to negotiate enforcement challenges. We argue that regulators confront two in particular. Regulators can pursue political enforcement, responding to mobilized interests, regardless of environmental risk, or they can pursue instrumental enforcement, responding to at‐risk communities, regardless of political mobilization. To examine these competing strategies, we use an original dataset from the EPA's Risk‐Screening Environmental Indicators model to develop a geographic “riskscape” combined with census tract community data and facility‐level enforcement data. We find that state regulatory agencies pursue a mixture of political and instrumental enforcement, but that these tactics are applied unevenly across traditional environmental justice communities. Specifically, state agencies devote more attention to facilities in communities with relatively higher risk, but less attention in the area of punishment for violations for facilities located in Hispanic communities. Importantly, this lack of attention to Hispanic communities is not mediated by the relative level of risks that they face, but it is to a significant extent in communities in which environmental justice advocacy organizations operate. 相似文献
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基于新人本主义理念的城市社区生活空间公正结构探讨 总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1
本文以城市各阶层日常生活行为的工作(上学)、家务、购物、闲暇活动完成的区位空间结构为议题,运用行为地理学的人本主义研究方法,以社区为基本研究尺度,探讨微观领域社会空间公正体系的结构与模式。得出城市社会空间体系发育阶段,影响城市社区生活空间结构的基本因子为城市资源、社区资源、社区类型-体系与场所体系,社区资源与城市资源在城市内部空间的布局呈\"点-轴\"结合模式,城市资源的线性空间体系格局与社区资源与场所的点状空间镶嵌映射了市场经济规律下城市社区生活空间结构的\"集聚-碎化\"倾向,缺失空间公正。最后,尝试性提出了人本、公平理念下的城市社区生活空间公正结构。 相似文献
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Harriet Bulkeley 《Transactions (Institute of British Geographers : 1965)》2001,26(4):430-447
This paper examines how the politics of climate change have taken shape within Australia through the construction and contestation of concepts of obligation and responsibility. Beck's risk society thesis offers a conceptual starting point from which to address questions concerning the nature of contemporary risk politics, and the paper examines its relevance and applicability in this case. While Beck's theory provides insight into the nature of risk and directs attention to the ways in which notions of obligation and responsibility structure risk politics, it fails to engage with why, and how, particular definitions of risk and responsibility come to dominate the political arena. It is argued that in Australia the novel challenges climate change poses to the institutions of modernity have been negated through ensuing policy responses which have reinforced links between industry and government, and have defined climate responsibilities within existing relations of production and the spatio-temporal frameworks of modernity. 相似文献
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Gender and Environmental Justice in Louisiana: Blurring the boundaries of public and private spheres
Hilda E. Kurtz 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2007,14(4):409-426
Many scholars have examined the implications and effects of a putative dichotomy between public-as-masculine and private-as-feminine spheres on community activism, and suggest that women's community activism blurs this ideological divide in numerous ways. This article draws on a case study of a siting conflict in St. James Parish, Louisiana, to examine how, in the process of blurring boundaries between gendered spheres of interest and activity, predominantly women environmental justice activists contended with differently gendered contexts. Concepts of performance and performativity shed light on how gendered hierarchies of public and private sphere activism both constrained and enabled the protest group's political practice. 相似文献
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David M. Konisky 《政策研究杂志》2009,37(3):475-496
The federal government adopted several measures during the mid-1990s to address concerns about race-based and class-based disparities in environmental protection. This article examines whether these measures affected the pattern of state enforcement of three federal pollution control laws. Using differences-in-differences models to estimate the effects of the federal policy adoption, I find evidence of increases in state enforcement of the Clean Air Act in large African-American communities, but declines in enforcement in communities with large poor and Hispanic populations. Similarly, there is evidence that state enforcement of the Clean Water Act decreased in poor and African-American communities, but there were no real changes in enforcement of facilities regulated under the Resource Conservation and Recovery Act. Collectively, the analysis suggests that the federal policy had minimal positive effects on state regulatory enforcement. 相似文献
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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(5):567-572
A senior American specialist on China and noted geographer evaluates the merits of an essay by an equally prominent specialist who advocates reflexive activism as a method designed to generate more relevant studies of the country. The author of the evaluation stresses the value of empirically based work, noting a number of contributions by geographers to the study of China's transition from doctrinaire communism to "socialism with Chinese characteristics." While not denying the need for geographical research focused on deficiencies in social and environmental justice, he is not in favor of excessive activism that may overlook advances in economic development and related accomplishments of China's governing regime. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: P30. 24 references. 相似文献
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Lindsey Dillon 《对极》2014,46(5):1205-1221
This paper advances the concept of “waste formations” as a way of thinking together processes of race, space, and waste in brownfield redevelopment projects. Defined as formerly industrial and contaminated properties, in the 1990s brownfields emerged as the grounds for new forms of urbanization and an emerging environmental remediation industry. Through their redevelopment, the twentieth century's urban wastelands—environmentally degraded, economically divested, and often racially marked—have become sites of investment, resignification, and value formation. The concept of waste formations provides a critical framework on the ways these socio‐ecological transformations rework twentieth century urban inequalities—in particular, the articulation of waste and toxic waste—and the ways they produce new geographies of environmental injustice through the displacement of toxic waste to newly waste‐able spaces. This paper develops an analytic of waste formations and applies it to the process of brownfield redevelopment at the Hunters Point Shipyard in southeast San Francisco. 相似文献
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本文从人文地理学的社会空间公正理念出发,以经济学的\"蓝色红利\"视角为切入点,探讨了中国区域环境税负空间差异问题。研究表明我国环境税负空间累进性与区域经济发展水平存在显著的正相关关系。经济区域中,北部沿海、东部沿海、东北、黄河中游以及南部沿海地区的环境税负空间累进性指数较大,长江中游、西南及西北地区则表现出负的空间溢出效应,环境税加大了区域间的收入差距;传统三大区域中,东部地区和中部地区的环境税负具有空间累进特性。此外,西部地区的资源税起到了更好的税收调节作用。资源成本的增加促使使用者提高资源利用效率,抑制需求,有助于将资源消费控制在一个合理的水平,实现收入的合理分配和不可再生资源的可持续利用。排污费则扭曲了税收分配机制,降低了生产要素的配置效率。鉴于此,从新区域主义的\"统筹理念\"出发,提出了构建区域环境税负空间公正性的设计机制。 相似文献
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Abstract: In contrast to the US environmental justice movement, which has been successful in building a networked environmentalism that recognises—and has impacted upon—national patterns of distributional (in)equalities, campaigns in the UK have rarely developed beyond the local or articulated a coherent programme of action that links to wider socio-spatial justice issues or effects real changes in the regulatory or political environment. Our purpose in this paper is to extend research which explores the spatial politics of mobilisation, by attending to the multi-scalar dynamics embedded in the enactment of environmental justice (EJ) in north-east England. It is an approach that is indebted to recent work on the scalar politics of EJ, and also to the network ideas associated with actor-network theory (ANT)-inspired research on human–nature relations. Our account provides preliminary reflections on the potential for an \"assemblage\" perspective which draws together people, texts, machines, animals, devices and discourses in relations that collectively constitute—and scale—EJ. To conclude, and building upon this approach, we suggest future research avenues that we believe present a promising agenda for critical engagement with the production, scaling and politics of environmental (in)justice. 相似文献
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Ryan Holifield 《对极》2009,41(4):637-658
Abstract: Recent critiques of environmental justice research emphasize its disengagement from theory and its political focus on liberal conceptions of distributional and procedural justice. Marxian urban political ecology has been proposed as an approach that can both contextualize environmental inequalities more productively and provide a basis for a more radical politics of environmental justice. Although this work takes its primary inspiration from historical materialism, it also adapts key concepts from actor-network theory (ANT)—in particular, the agency of nonhumans—while dismissing the rest of ANT as insufficiently critical and explanatory. This paper argues that ANT—specifically, the version articulated by Bruno Latour—provides a basis for an alternative critical approach to environmental justice research and politics. Instead of arguing for a synthesis of ANT and Marxism, I contend that ANT gives us a distinctive conception of the social and opens up new questions about the production and justification of environmental inequalities. 相似文献
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David N. Pellow 《对极》2021,53(1):56-73
In this paper I ask how might environmental justice studies scholarship be recast if we consider the phenomenon of environmental injustice as a form of criminalisation? In other words, since environmental injustice is frequently a product of state‐sanctioned violence against communities of colour, then what are the implications of reframing it as a practice of treating those populations as criminally suspect and as deserving of state punishment? Moreover, how are the targets and survivors of environmental injustice/racism enlisted in generative ways that resist that criminalisation and support abolition? I answer these questions through a consideration of how struggles inside and outside of carceral spaces represent urgent and timely opportunities to rethink the possibilities of environmental justice theory and politics by linking them to practices and visions of abolition ecology and critical environmental justice. 相似文献
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Mick Hillman 《Geographical Research》2005,43(2):152-161
Dealing with differing and sometimes conflicting criteria for priority‐setting is an essential part of sustainable natural resource management. However, all too often, these ethical and political considerations are neglected within a planning regime based upon apparently ‘objective’ biophysical assessment techniques. Input into associated decision‐making processes is also frequently restricted to a narrow range of ‘stakes’ based upon historical and geographic circumstances. This paper reports on the findings of interviews and discussion groups in the Hunter Valley, New South Wales, which aimed to canvass the diversity of perceptions of distributive and procedural justice in river rehabilitation. A range of biophysical and social criteria for setting priorities in rehabilitation work was identified. Participants also had differing ideas on the composition of decision‐making bodies and on decision‐making processes. The key implications of these findings are that sustainable river management policy needs to openly address differing conceptions of justice and that rehabilitation practice should be holistic, transdisciplinary and concerned with both outcome and process. 相似文献
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The geographies of civil risk, human rights and social justice in relation to a pluralist notion of justice lie at the heart of this paper. We define civil risk as a failure of human rights, brought about by institutional processes constructed over time, space and place, which create disadvantages for marginalized social groups. Geography is integral both to civil risk and social justice because marginalization is a spatial process articulated through the deployment of institutional power across space to create socially constructed differences between dominant and subordinate groups. In this respect, we emphasize that rights are constructed in relation to dominant interests, and not according to the conditions of risk that give rise to marginalized individuals and groups. Drawing on research in social theory that emphasizes the importance of positionality and social difference, the paper argues that a principle of risk rather than rights must motivate social justice. We examine distinct forms of marginalization in Canada ‐ gender, sexual orientation, ‘race’ and aboriginal status ‐ to illustrate the importance of the historico‐geographical context of marginalization and the paradoxical nature of the relationship between risk and rights. In considering these forms of marginality and their landscapes, we argue the need for a pluralist notion of justice that will explicitly take positionality into account in achieving equality rights, reducing civil risk and mediating shared spaces. Les géographies du risque civil, des droits de la personne et de la justice sociale en relation avec une conception pluraliste de la justice sont au coeur de cet article. Nous définissons le risque civil comme un échec des droits de la personne créé par des processus institutionnels qui sont eux‐mêmes construits à travers le temps, l'espace et le lieu. Ces processus, et leur expression géographique, créent des désavantages pour les groupes marginaux dans notre société. La géographie est impliquée dans le risque civil et la justice sociale parce que la marginalisation est un processus spatial qui s'articule par le déploiement du pouvoir institutionnel à travers l'espace pour créer les différences socialement construites entre les groupes dominants et subordonnés. En ce sens, nous soutenons que les droits sont construits en relation aux intérêts dominants, mais pas en accord aux conditions de risque qui créent les individus et les groupes marginalisés. Utilisant des études en théorie sociale qui mettent un accent sur l'importance de la ‘positionnalité’ et la différence sociale, nous suggérons que le principe de risque plutôt que les droits doit motiver la justice sociale. Nous examinons quelques formes distinctes de marginalisation au Canada ‐ les rapports sociaux entre les sexes, l'orientation sexuelle, la ‘race’ et le statut autochtone ‐ pour illustrer l'importance du contexte historico‐géographique de la marginalisation et le caractère paradoxal de la relation entre le risque et les droits. En considérant ces formes de marginalité et leurs paysages, nous argumentons pour la nécessité d'avoir une notion pluraliste de justice qui considérera explicitement la ‘positionnalité’ dans tous ses efforts de réaliser les droits d'égalité, la réduction du risque civil et la médiation des espaces partagés. 相似文献
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Vanesa Castán Broto 《对极》2013,45(3):621-640
Abstract: Environmental justice movements often contest environmental knowledge by engaging in scientific debates, which implies accepting the predominance of scientific discourses over alternative forms of knowledge. Using Bourdieu's concept of symbolic violence, this paper warns that the engagement with hegemonic forms of knowledge production may reproduce, rather than challenge, existing social and environmental inequalities. The argument is developed with reference to a case study of coal ash pollution in Tuzla, Bosnia and Herzegovina. The case study shows that the construction of knowledge in a scientific project led to the exclusion of local definitions of the situation and the dismissal of their observations of environmental pollution. The case suggests that the capacity of different actors to put forward their interpretation of an environmental issue depends on the forms of symbolic violence that emerge within hegemonic discourses of the environment. 相似文献
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ITZHAK OMER UDI OR 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2005,96(4):433-443
The socio‐economic inferiority of the Arab minority compared to the Jewish majority and the unequal distribution of resources between Jewish and Arab towns in Israel are well known facts. However, so far there has been no evidence establishing whether unequal resource allocation also occurs within mixed Jewish‐Arab cities. Based on high‐resolution sociodemographic and infrastructure data, this paper examines the access that populations of differing socio‐economic levels and ethnic identity have to green spaces in the mixed Jewish‐Arab cities of Ramla and Lod. Results show that the Arab minority in these cities has much less access to green spaces than the Jewish majority. The findings produced in this study can serve as a basis for public debates concerning injustice in the distribution of urban services and help urban planners achieve a more balanced and fair allocation. It can also serve as a powerful tool for empowering minorities, social organisations and NGOs and motivating them to act against spatial inequality and social discrimination. 相似文献
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Clifford Ando 《History of European Ideas》2018,44(6):743-755
ABSTRACTThe essay considers the nature and extent of toleration extended by Roman authorities to the religious pluralism of the empire. Roman legal instruments and works of law and political theory identify religion not as a concern of individuals but communities, and above all of juridically-constituted communities. As a related matter, classical and Christian Latin employs the language of political belonging, most notably that of republican citizenship, as its dominant apparatus for discussing religious affiliation. These related conceptual apparatus placed considerable limits on Romans’ ability to afford liberty in matters of religion to individuals. 相似文献
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