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1.
维新运动期间严复率先公开斥责包括清朝皇帝在内的历代专制君主为窃国大盗,指责"六经五子"也对国家的贫弱负有责任,并结合友人创办《国闻报》,积极鼓吹维新变法,特别是在戊戌政变后,该报仍然以《视死如归》为题报道谭嗣同被捕前大义凛然的态度,发表评论指斥朝政。严复在维新运动期间并不保守,更不代表所谓维新派中保守的一翼。  相似文献   

2.
慈禧太后发动政变时,英帝国主义采取什么态度呢?有的著作中认为,英国驻华使馆对这次政变“漠不关心”、“无动于衷”。《英国蓝皮书》中刊载的英国驻华使领馆和英国外交部有关这次政变的一些来往函电,说明这种说法是缺乏根据的。英国人办的《北华捷报》在评论中也指出,北京各国使馆中最重视这次政变的就是英国使馆。1898年9月21日慈禧太后发动政变时,英国驻华公使窦纳乐虽然正在北戴河休假,但在当天就得到了发生政变的消息,并立即电告  相似文献   

3.
梁启超刊发于《清议报》的大量文、论,清楚展现了他提出近代国家思想的内在逻辑。戊戌政变发生后,梁启超被迫流亡日本,“效申包胥之哭”,乞师日英,终以失败告终。以此为契机,梁启超开始关注日英对华政策,充分认识到保全即瓜分的本质。而后,他以西方的近代国家思想为理论基础,果断提出依靠国民实现国家独立的全新命题,《清议报》遂成为梁启超输入并阐发近代国家思想的园地。但作为“康党”的“机关报”,《清议报》同时并存着保皇尊王与依靠国民两条不无紧张的独立路径,这既是其“党报”性质使然,也显示出该报的过渡特征。  相似文献   

4.
汪维真 《史学月刊》2002,(11):30-35
《豫报》是河南留日学生最早创办的刊物,1906年12月在日本东京创刊,共出版了6期。它的创刊宗旨是“改良风俗,开通民智,提倡地方自治,唤起国民思想”。由于政见不同,自第五号起《豫报》股东分化,一部分以宣传革命为宗旨的激进派创办了《河南》杂志,备受海内外注目。在这种情势下,《豫报》在1908年4月30日出版了最后一期即第六号后便停刊了。  相似文献   

5.
杨明臣 《百年潮》2007,(6):80-80
杨明臣 1955年10月生,中国书法家协会理事,中国楹联学会理事及书法艺术委员会委员,北京市丰台区书协副主席,北京国艺轩书画院艺术指导。其作品在《光明日报》、《解放军报》、《中国书法》、《书法报》、《中国书画报》、《书法导报》、《中国艺术报》等数十家报刊发表或作专题介绍,在中央电视台《夕阳红》栏目作小楷专题讲座。  相似文献   

6.
胥青云  房永彬 《神州》2012,(34):211
《高老头》是十九世纪法国伟大的批判现实主义作家巴尔扎克《人间喜剧》中的代表作品,它真实再现了当时法国的社会现实,揭示和批判了法国社会金钱支配下资产阶级道德缺失和人性的冷漠无情,并展现了社会各阶层形形色色的人物,可称得上是"法国社会的风俗史"。我将对小说的人物形象和艺术特色进行简要的分析。  相似文献   

7.
唐初颜师古注《汉书》征引诸多《说文解字》的解说,或明引或暗引。本文重点研读了《汉书》颜师古注中明引许慎《说文解字》的28条文例,管窥颜师古在古书注解时对《说文解字》的使用。一方面印证《说文解字》在唐初古书注解中的重要地位和影响,显示了颜师古尊崇《说文解字》但不迷信于此的严谨治学态度。另一方面,研究古籍注疏中所引《说文解字》有助于完善《说文解字》版本、恢复《说文解字》原貌。  相似文献   

8.
杨爱芹 《纵横》2009,(7):42-45
《益世报》1915年10月1日创办于天津,至1949年1月15日停刊,是中国近现代具有广泛影响的全国性重要报纸,它与《申报》、《大公报》、《民国日报》一起,被人们并称为民国四大报,然而在这四大报纸中,人们可能最不熟悉的就是《益世报》了。《益世报》内容丰富、形式活泼、涉猎广博、雅俗共赏,罗隆基、梁实秋、田汉、钱端升、张秀亚、范长江、张恨水、沈从文、马彦祥、柳无忌、李长之、徐悲鸿……这些我们耳熟能详的名字,都曾与《益世报》紧紧联系在一起。30年间,《益世报》作了国家的镜子、人民的喉舌、抗日的战鼓、自由的平台,成为民国乱世的激越清流。  相似文献   

9.
孔华 《黑龙江史志》2013,(17):12-13
诗经》为中国古代第一部诗歌总集,是社会各阶层共同的思想文化成果。它全方位地反映了商周的历史,其内容涉及了社会生活的各个方面。通过梳理《诗经》中有关商周的内容,更深刻地理解诗与史的关系,从而公正客观地看待《诗经》的史料价值。  相似文献   

10.
王浚波 《沧桑》2009,(6):224-226
吴承恩的《西游记》和斯威夫特的《格列佛游记》是16世纪至18世纪世界文学宝库中的两部经典作品。二者具有通过讲述神话或童话故事,来抨击各自国家的社会弊端,表达作者政治理想的相似性。  相似文献   

11.
清代乾隆时期的伪孙嘉淦奏稿案一直被视为一起重要的文字狱,本文则探讨伪稿在清代走向鼎盛时期是如何在社会上传播的。笔者认为:各个层级的商人是伪稿案的主要传播者,他们通过商业中心的商行、会馆获得信息,再通过商业网络将伪稿传向不同区域,成为当时基层民众表达和发泄对清朝统治不满的政治文化心理的一种方式。这种商业社会消解着清朝的国家力量,让看似高效、强大的督抚力量在查办伪稿案时一筹莫展,让皇帝无可奈何。  相似文献   

12.
Aldous Huxley composed Brave New World in the context of the Depression and the eugenics movement in Britain. Today his novel is best known as satirical and predictive, but an additional interpretation emerges from Huxley's nonfiction writings in which the liberal hurmanist expressed some surprising opinions about eugenics, citizenship, and meritocracy. He felt that his role as an artist and public intellectual was to formulate an evolving outlook on urgent social, scientific, and moral issues. His brave new world can therefore be understood as a serious design for social reform, as well as a commentary about the social uses of scientific knowledge.  相似文献   

13.
李锐 《史学史研究》2011,(2):116-123
传世的《金縢》篇虽然是经,但是后来有学者对于其内容、年代、解释等有不同的意见,乃至认为它是伪书或写定时代很晚。最近公布的清华大学藏简中,有内容与之相应的篇章,为解决有关的问题提供了新材料。将两者进行细致的比较可以发现,传世本和竹简本《金縢》是同源异流的关系,二者在流传过程中可能都经过了不同程度的改变。这一点,对于认识《金縢》的一些问题是有帮助的。  相似文献   

14.
In recent years, geographic analysis on social movements has emphasised the influence of actors’ concepts, lived experiences and perceptions of space on the emergence of collective action. Cultural approaches to social movements in Latin America as well as feminist scholarship have revealed that women’s collective action is shaped by their perceptions of institutional and societal challenges, which are rooted in authoritarian and patriarchal culture prevalent in their society. This article combines geographic and cultural approaches to social movements as well as transnational feminist theories to explore women’s human rights mobilisation in Honduras after the coup d’état in 2009. It investigates how a group of urban and rural activists that included feminists, rural women, students and community leaders, adopted human rights discourses and practices to respond to the coup. The article draws on interviews and focus group discussions to suggest firstly, that protests in response to the coup shaped the interviewees’ spatial imaginaries and particularly considers how urban feminists’ spatial imaginaries were merged with those of rural women under the collective framework of human rights. Secondly, the study demonstrates that a collective identity as women human rights defenders was crucial for the emergence of collective action and also prompted the establishment of a national network. This case study contributes to research on women’s collective action to negotiate women’s rights, human rights and social justice in changing political processes.  相似文献   

15.
Although post-communist Europe retains elements of its socialist past, public opinion shows discernment in its welfare preferences. This analysis of post-communist social welfare attitudes finds that post-communist societies are selective in their support for social policies. First, welfare preferences center on two underlying realms: government responsibility and government spending; and second, welfare opinions and beliefs are not uniform across several social policies. Although many of the conclusions highlight the selective nature of these preferences, the example of the support for unemployment benefits points to how the transition from communist-era welfare states to capitalist-led assistance continues to influence public opinion in these countries.  相似文献   

16.
《外交史》1994,18(4):627-634
In their welcome article, "History Declassified," Zachary Karabell and Timothy Naftali offer valuable insights and advice for researchers first approaching the new intelligence documentation that the CIA has begun to declassify. From their experience with CIA records already available on the 1954 Guatemalan coup, the 1962 Cuban missile crisis, and the 1979 Iranian crisis, the authors appraise the "perils and promise" of the CIA's emerging new body of documentation. While it is not my purpose to quarrel with their judgments and opinions, I think that I can add some information that the article overlooks and clarify several misunderstandings about how the CIA's Historical Review Program actually works.  相似文献   

17.
The emergence of synods in Australian Anglicanism and their shape flowed in large measure from the social democratic forces at the time and these were for the most part expressed by Anglican lay people. While the Bishops' conference in 1850 identified the issue of church governance and lay involvement the precise recommendations of the conference were nowhere followed. The popular memory of this process which gives determining influence in shaping the form of church constitution to the theological opinions of the local bishop owes its origins to some key interpretations at the beginning of the twentieth century which were part of the political debate about a national church constitution, a debate which was being argued with theologically shaped rhetoric. The reality in the middle of the nineteenth century was quite different but nonetheless implied a theological perspective which validated the use of contemporary social and political ideas in shaping church structures. In order to secure a model which incorporated the whole church community the synods used the mid nineteenth century parliamentary model. Whether that remains the best model for synods is a question.  相似文献   

18.
The long reign of Tupou IV of Tonga ended in 2006 at a time when pressure for political change, building during the previous 25 years, was beginning to turn towards direct action. Tentative reform efforts by the king's children were insufficient to satisfy the growing demands, and were partially vitiated by controversy over royal business interests and privileges. During the king's last year, protest broadened from governance issues to economic, social and policy issues in which diverse interest groups were drawn together, having little in common other than opposition to one thing or another. Within two months of the king's death, his successor had instigated or approved some significant steps forward, but reformists declared themselves unsatisfied. A resulting riot in which large areas of the capital were destroyed, has been variously represented as an attempted coup, as a spontaneous outburst of righteous exasperation and as an attempt at political intimidation. Reform continues to be the object of government, but long-term reformists have damaged their reputations and the growing public esteem for democracy. The quest for a new national consensus has become more difficult.  相似文献   

19.
张光全 《史学月刊》2003,(6):95-100
司马迁、班固史学思想的差异是多方面的,究其根由,除了他们的个人经历、识见不尽相同外,关键还在于两人所处的历史环境不同,而由此促成的两人游侠思想的差异即是很好的例证。随着汉政府对游侠打击的力度不断加大,两汉社会群体的价值取向经历着从崇侠到抑侠的心理转变,马、班承此影响,在《史记》、《汉书》中虽然同为游侠立传,但目的迥异,他们对游侠的好恶及对游侠范围的界定亦存有差异,以至形成了两人不同的游侠观。  相似文献   

20.
《Anthropology today》2021,37(2):i-ii
Front and back cover caption, volume 37 issue 2 Front cover THE CAPITOL INSURRECTION Thousands of people marched toward the US Capitol building on 6 January 2021. The rally that day was part of an attempt to overturn the outcome of the presidential election. The attempted coup was carried out by multiple means. While the violent attack on the Capitol building that day has captured the world's attention, attempts to undermine democratic processes in the United States have a longer, more insidious history, including multiple forms of voter suppression, some of which are built into the system. The US has never been a direct democracy. In fact, in 2000 and 2016, candidates who lost the popular vote ‘won’ the election. The 2020 presidential election was perhaps outstanding because the unabashed attempts to disenfranchise voters – primarily minority voters – were suddenly on full display. The losing candidate tried to strong-arm state election officials into fraudulently changing the vote count and pressured the vice president to overturn the lawful outcome of the elections – all of which happened in full view of the public. When it became clear that the vice president would not undermine the election result, the losing candidate called on his supporters to come to Washington, DC to demonstrate their belief that the election had been stolen from him and from them. The ensuing violent attack on the Capitol building was a spectacular display of a larger failed attempt at a coup. In this issue, Gregory Starrett and Joyce Dalsheim narrate their eye witness fieldwork accounts of the ‘March to save America’ rally earlier on that fateful day. Back cover THE MYANMAR COUP On 2 March 2021, police shot Kyal Sin, a 19-year-old protester, in the head from behind with live ammunition while she was engaged in peaceful civil disobedience in Mandalay against the Myanmar military, which seized control through a violent coup on 1 February. The artwork depicts Kyal Sin, whose name means ‘pure star’, as one of the martyrs of the democracy movement. Prior to attending the rally, Kyal Sin had posted on Facebook her wish for her organs to be donated should she die during the protest. Since the coup, millions of civilians across Myanmar have taken to the streets in protest. Civil servants, along with the general public, have participated in a nationwide strike. In response, the military have fired weapons into crowds of peaceful protesters, engaged in extrajudicial killings, raided civilian homes and businesses, kidnapped and illegally detained protesters, strikers, political and civil society leaders, tortured detainees and terrorized countless other civilians. In this issue, Seinenu M. Thein-Lemelson reviews the history of violence and persecution perpetrated by the Myanmar military against participants in the Burmese democracy movement. The persecution of activists has included repression of their cultural and ritual life. The democracy movement possesses its own list of saints, martyrs (azarni) and heroes (thuyegaung). Between 1988 and 2012, keeping photographs or artistic depictions of these martyrs and heroes constituted an illegal act. During that time, owning or publishing this artwork of Kyal Sin could have resulted in imprisonment and torture. Indeed, even now the Myanmar military is so concerned about her martyrdom that they exhumed her body and filled her grave with cement. When Kyal Sin was shot, she was wearing a black T-shirt emblazoned with the words: ‘Everything will be OK’, revealing a youthful hope and innocence. This sense of child-like purity has deepened the poignancy and loss felt by all those who mourn her death. Kyal Sin's nickname was ‘Angel’ and a halo hovers above her head. She holds the Myanmar flag, shredded with bullet holes, in her left hand. Behind her are the outlines of other protesters or perhaps past martyrs of the movement, giving the three-fingered salute, in approval and solidarity.  相似文献   

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