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1.
随着19世纪30年代废奴运动在美国兴起,1833年10月,波士顿出现首个白人女性废奴社团。此后至内战前夕,美国出现大量类似的女性废奴社团。这些社团在为女性提供公共演说的机会和训练方面发挥关键作用。一方面,女性废奴社团支持、鼓励女性就废奴主题发表公共演说。格里姆克姐妹是女性废奴演说者的典范,她们的演说事业体现出女性运用公共演说来推动社会改革的过程与意义。另一方面,美国女性废奴社团三次召集全国性女性反奴隶制会议。这些会议让女性得以在家庭之外的公共场合就奴隶制问题发表见解,也进一步暴露出女性群体内部以及公众对待女性发表公共演说的不同态度。公共演说是一种历史悠久的表达方式,具有浓厚的政治性质和明显的性别界限。不同于女性在印刷文化中的活跃表现,女性发表公共演说遭遇更强劲的阻力。所以,女性废奴社团为女性提供了公共演说的重要平台与必要支持,促使女性成为推动废奴运动发展的积极力量,拓宽了女性公共参与的维度。  相似文献   

2.
鲁迪秋 《史学集刊》2022,(4):107-118
在19世纪40年代的美国,随着女性禁酒社团纷纷涌现,女性禁酒改革者开始独自创办禁酒报纸。女性杂志的流行与女性受教育程度的提高,为女性禁酒报纸的问世提供了必要的条件。以《橄榄树》和《百合花》为代表的女性禁酒报纸成为女性禁酒社团的喉舌,也是女性禁酒改革者发声的工具。女性改革者借助禁酒报纸表达她们对禁酒改革与自身公共角色的理解,丰富了禁酒运动中的女性形象,展现了女性公共参与的自主性。在这个过程中,女性改革者以作者、编辑、出版商的身份参与到印刷出版中,行使出版自由来推进禁酒事业的发展、引导公众意见,体现了女性在争取选举权之外的公共参与方式的多样性。  相似文献   

3.
第一次世界大战期间,英国前线战场与后方民众之间出现了前所未有的密切联系。在志愿参军之余,后方民众对前线的支持大都汇入到各种慈善活动中。民众的积极参与使慈善活动拥有了国家立场表现出明显的爱国主义情感,对责任的认知促使不同阶层的人在慈善活动中不断交融,打破了原有的阶级固化,并直接增强了慈善与政府公共行为的合作。战时慈善的这些变化有力昭示了英国公民意识的兴起,即对国家的认可以及对作为国家公民责任的认知。这种公民意识,不同于传统的道德责任,不仅使慈善机构成为英国汇聚社会力量、弥补政府功能不足的重要渠道,也为此后慈善活动的发展提供了新动力。  相似文献   

4.
通过比较19世纪末白人女性与黑人女性的生活状况,我们能够得出结论白人女性是那个时代的主流,而黑人女性是一群无声的群体。  相似文献   

5.
徐玲 《东南文化》2018,(2):92-97
博物馆展览的女性文化属于社会建构的一种身份文化。因受传统男权文化的影响,"她"故事在"他"历史中,长期处于被叙事、被表征的从属地位。作为公共文化空间的博物馆,早期受"他"文化叙事模式的影响,展示中较多充斥着男权话语。20世纪80年代,受新博物馆学运动的多元叙事方式影响,女性主题叙事逐渐进入博物馆。近年,国内博物馆在展览实践中也开始改变传统"国之重器"观的宏大叙事模式,从"小历史"视角重新审视、诠释和再现女性文化,先后策划了一系列颇具变革性的女性主题展览,为消解男权表征体系中单调的女性形象,重构女性文化身份,实现"她"故事的自我讲述等提供了重要的公共文化平台。  相似文献   

6.
福克纳是美国著名的南方派作家,其主要著作《喧嚣与骚动》反映了他的妇女观以及旧南方传统道德观和清教主义教条。在当时社会环境下,南方妇女过着非正常的生活。通过从不同角度研究《喧嚣与骚动》中的康普生夫人和迪尔西的不同命运的细节可看出福克纳的女性观:他深刻地同情以迪尔西为代表的处于社会最底层的女性,赞扬拥有简单的人性、爱和同情心美德的女性,但也痛恨以康普生夫人为代表的顽固不化、保守落后的女性。  相似文献   

7.
《三国史记》为高丽王朝金富轼修撰的朝鲜半岛第一部官修正史,在东北亚古代史研究中占据重要的地位。其编纂虽受中国正史体例的影响,但书中未设后妃、列女传记,女性记事多附于男性记事。按照女性的活动场域,其家庭领域形象为母亲、妻子、女儿,社会公共领域形象为女王、女性巫者、参与政治活动的女性等。金富轼对于女性形象的选取塑造,是在儒家思想的框架之内建构,围绕着男性叙事展开,在女子为祸书写意识的指导下,强调女性家庭领域内的作用,对社会领域内的女性活动仅为客观陈述,由此建构起男权社会主导下的性别文化制度。  相似文献   

8.
论文以吉隆坡暨雪兰莪中华大会堂为例,探讨了马来西亚传统华人社团,从纯粹的华人社群组织逐步向公民组织转化的实践及意义。研究发现,20世纪80年代以来,隆雪华堂从公民意识出发,通过组织内部的革新与转型、民权运动、监督政府和积极建言等方式,塑造组织民主透明、自主独立的公共性格,在推动马来西亚民主化的过程中逐渐实现向公民社会组织的演变。作为华人公民社会的基础,在国际形势巨变和国内政局不稳的背景下,当前华人社团在公民社会组织化的过程中还受到内部阶层化、伦理规范和政治角色模糊、族群宗教关系等问题困扰。  相似文献   

9.
马歆星 《丝绸之路》2013,(4):103-104
经济活动在人类的历史发展进程中扮演着重要角色,作为人类社会活动、文化活动的基石,一直被人们所重视。随着我国现代化进程的加快发展,女性在经济活动中的角色逐渐凸显。在这样一个文化多元、价值多元的时代,循着经济人类学、民族心理学的理论路径从女性视角出发,透过千变万化的经济活动现象,进行回族女性经济的研究,正是本文的出发点所在。本文通过对回族女性经济问题研究的梳理,试图从经济入手,寻找研究在社会文化变迁的大背景下,如何将回族女性经济问题与其生活现状以及背后的文化、心理动因联系在一起,以便更好地探究回族女性独具的传统文化如何变迁以回应现代性的时代要求。  相似文献   

10.
在中国农村汉族社会,女性在其生长的血缘亲属体系中被看作“外人”,其最突出的显示语境是春节期间的祖先祭典活动,“外人”禁忌使这种身份被极端强化。绝大多数妇女通过婚姻完成从自己血缘家族到夫家家族的身份转换,并据此确立在亲属体系中的地位。血缘家族体系中的“外人”身份使得女性的家族身份因失去先赋性而带有被动色彩,影响其家庭、家族乃至社会地位的确立。榆钱村的调查可为相关问题的研究提供一个个案。  相似文献   

11.
郝克路 《史学月刊》2001,(4):124-127
以富兰克林在费城社会活动的轨迹为视角,通过对城市精英在推动城市社会公共领域的发展、促进公民公共意识的形成等方面的作用的考察,可以得出如下结论:独立前的北美不同于近代早期的欧洲,殖民政府很少承担城市的公共事务;在城市精英的组织和领导下,公民积极参与和管理公共事务,开创了近代城市的管理模式。  相似文献   

12.
Scholars have long held that World War I markedly impacted women's participation in the public sphere as questions of appropriate wartime participation for women arose. Posters were an important tool for communicating notions of feminine citizenship and patriotism during the US involvement in the war. In this article, I explore the influence of the US involvement in World War I on social constructions of white femininity and citizenship through their portrayal in American Red Cross posters produced between 1914 and 1919. These posters offer a distinct visual documentation of the cultural shift in the portrayal of, and the insistence on, white women's – particularly nurses’ – responsibilities during wartime. I argue that the sentiments and language of the newly splintered women's movements were co-opted into the service of the war and were further emboldened with religious sentiments. American Red Cross posters called upon women to enact their presumed innate nurturing tendencies, and by extension, their feminine citizenship, at both the home and warfronts. In this way, the labor of the private sphere was drawn into the service of the war but without fully admitting women into the public sphere.  相似文献   

13.
Among the plethora of political shifts that defined the Age of Reform, this article will uncover a female narrative of changing conceptions of citizenship, asserting that, despite their formal exclusion, women articulated a distinctly female understanding of citizenship through writing. Furthermore, it will explore the significance of parliament to women's experiences. The spaces in which citizenship was performed are integral to understanding its conception, and the significance of the franchise in 19th-century political culture made parliament a fundamental space for those pursuing citizenship rights. Women from a diverse range of backgrounds articulated their inherently female experiences in their writing as they engaged with the discourses of citizenship that surrounded them. A collection of central themes and issues characterised their writing: honour and legality; representation and the franchise; local and municipal politics; marriage; education; and professional and employment opportunities. These texts illuminate the emerging self-conception of female citizenship by women whose lived experiences were coloured by the historical shifts of reform. Consequently, the tapestry of these texts is formed of an intricately connected web of threads that both merge and deviate from one another around their individual focus, intention, or argument. However, collectively they suggest a resoundingly harmonious image, demonstrating that, although varying between individuals, a whole multitude of women from across society were experiencing this realisation of their right to equal citizenship.  相似文献   

14.
The construction of “citizen-state” relations in the intellectual world of modern China and the establishment of individual citizenship in political discourse have opened up a political and discourse sphere for modern women to strive for new identities, wherein some intellectually advanced women have managed to establish their individual identity as “female citizen” by carrying the debate on the relationship between women and the state with regard to their rights and responsibilities, and on the relationship between gender role and citizenship. Though the idea of “female citizen” was not provided with a political theory of practical significance, the subject identity of women, however, was repeatedly spoken about and strengthened in brand-new literary practices, resulting in a dynamic discourse of “female citizen”; in the meantime, disagreements concerning the concepts of “female rights,” “civil rights,” and “natural rights” have all helped create significant tension inside the related discourse sphere.  相似文献   

15.
White middle-class American women were heavily involved in lobbying for and implementing Indian reform legislation during the late nineteenth century. The General Allotment Act mandated the break-up of reservations and imposed upon Native peoples the twinned institutions of private property and male-headed families in the hopes that they would assimilate to American 'civilisation'. White women thus appeared to be imposing their own gender norms on others as they sought to inculcate the characteristics Native people would need for American citizenship. They negotiated this paradox of imposing classed, gendered and racialised hierarchies in the name of equality through spatially articulating hierarchies of race, class and gender. Rather than appeal to the conventional liberal dichotomy of public and private, the author reads these activists as authorising their political activity through the dualism of civilised and savage. The latter spaces produced oppression, which was understood as the inability to participate in politics as much as exclusion from participation in politics. It was the maternal duty of white middle-class women to civilise people, thus delivering them from oppression, through transforming the spaces in which they lived.  相似文献   

16.
The Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), the International Olympic Committee (IOC), and other international sport governing bodies have recently been involved in contestations concerning the allowance of the hijab in sport. This article interrogates how these institutions participate in the regulation of Muslim women, and the relationship that these actions have with colonial and imperial constitutions of race. Drawing on critical race feminist theorizing, this article argues that the regulation of women who wear the hijab is a technology of power that frames these sport governance bodies as benevolent actors operating within the ‘best interests’ of female footballers. This hijab that has become a cause of concern in sport is hegemonically understood through Western colonialisms and racial grammars that have historically constituted the figure of ‘The Muslim Woman’ as in need of protection. The recent contestations represent a new moment in a global field, however, as notions of ‘freedom’ and ‘equal rights’ are being invoked to now allow the hijab, albeit under conditions that insidiously reinscribe white patriarchal authority.  相似文献   

17.
In this paper, I suggest that the category of ‘ward,’ a designation used for Aboriginal Australians in the 1950s and 1960s, has re-emerged in contemporary Northern Territory (NT) life. Wardship represents an in-between status, neither citizens nor non-citizens, but rather an anticipatory citizenship formation constructed by the Australian state. The ward is a not-yet citizen, and the deeds, acts, and discourses that define the ward's capacities to act as a political subject can maintain their anticipatory nature even as people ‘achieve’ formal citizenship. Wardship can be layered on top of citizen and non-citizen status alike. Rather than accounting for the grey areas between ‘citizen’ and ‘non-citizen,’ therefore, wards exist beyond this theoretical continuum, demanding a more nuanced accounting of political subjectivities and people's relationships to the state.I trace the emergence of the category ‘ward’ in the 1950s and 1960s in Australia and its re-emergence for Aboriginal Australians impacted by the 2007 Northern Territory Emergency Response legislation. The promise of citizenship offered by the status of ‘ward’ is built upon expectations about family life, economic activity, and appropriate behaviour. These assumptions underscore an implicit bargain between individuals and the state, that neoliberalised self-discipline will lead to both formal citizenship rights and a sense of belonging. Built-in impediments, however, ensure that this bargain is difficult, if not impossible, to fulfil.  相似文献   

18.
This paper takes the issue of the removal of Aboriginal children, and the broader white anxiety over the 'half-caste problem' which underpinned the policy, to explore white women reformers' intervention in the politics of race in the years 1920-40. In these years middle-class women's citizenship was based on maternalism and the defence of motherhood. At the same time the national feminist lobby, the Australian Federation of Women Voters, joined the public debate about the 'Aboriginal problem'. In this context it is necessary to ask: What was the feminist view of Aboriginal women's status? Were they considered 'wives and mothers' like themselves, as Louisa Lawson suggested in the 1890s? What was their view of the 'half-caste problem' and the 'absorption proposal' formulated to solve it? By asking such questions I hope to modify the current feminist historiographical view of white women reformers as 'pro-Aboriginal' and 'radical' and their policies as challenging White Australia in these years.  相似文献   

19.
This paper aims at understanding why Rousseau excluded women from citizenship. Citizenship, for Rousseau, is not a matter of right, not even a matter of behaviour (of how to behave individually to be a good citizen). It is a matter of social condition. How should society be constituted so that there can be citizens? The answer to this question is that there must be women in the private sphere so that there can be citizen in the public sphere. The paper begins with Montesquieu's model of the republican condition of women, considers the way Rousseau updated this model, and concludes with the idea, that much more than the male figure of citizenship (which remains a stereotype), the woman, in Rousseau, is the true figure of modernity.  相似文献   

20.
This study examines the poetry of two women of nineteenth-century Iran—one royal, one non-royal—and the women patrons for whom they composed praise poetry. Through the reconstruction of female-centered patronage networks and associated female-only performance venues, and via an examination of the active roles played by female patrons both in affairs of state and in the management of the immense royal harem, this study highlights the various ways in which members of several generations of women in Qajar Iran were involved in the production, dissemination and appreciation of poetry. It is argued here that these patronage and poetry production networks should be read as evidence of a female-centered literary tradition, one that was in dialogue with (and often intersected) the dominant male tradition; one that empowered the women actors within it to create a sisterhood of poets through which their art could be passed on from mother to daughter, and from daughter to granddaughter (and occasionally from mother to son).  相似文献   

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