拉丁美洲现代化进程中的民众主义

对于拉美现代化进程中的民众主义 ,西方现代化论者、依附论学者、西方自由主义经济学家、当代西方政治学家各有不同的理解与界定 ,本文倾向于将民众主义界定为一种政治策略。 2 0世纪拉美的民众主义经历了早期民众主义、经典民众主义和新民众主义三个阶段。民众主义运动和政权所体现出来的民主与威权、民众主义政策所带来的发展与危机 ,恰如其分地反映了拉美作为后发展国家现代化进程中必然产生的积累与分配、效率与公平、秩序与参与之间难以调和的冲突。     

美国等西方国家社会裂变中的“认同群体”与ethnic group

ethnic group这一术语在美国等西方国家的广泛应用,是20世纪60年代以后的事情,该术语的流行与当时美国等西方国家社会裂变的历史背景直接相关。同时,该术语也是多元文化主义的产物,反映了西方社会“后现代主义”思潮中“认同政治”的“族类政治化”特征。本文就这一术语在美国和其他西方国家流行的国情特点和社会背景进行一些分析,以期为全面认识和理解这一术语在西方国家的应用实践提供一种思路。文章认为,在理解和借鉴西方学术界有关ethnic group的概念及其理论时,如果简单地做出民族（nation）是政治概念、族群（ethnic group）是文化概念这一泾渭分明的判断,而忽视西方国家在应用这一术语时的社会、政治背景和指称对象,就会因脱离国情实际而导致对这一概念及其理论的误读和应用于本土研究中的误导。     

协商民主理论与中国民主政治的发展方向

协商民主理论,是20世纪80年代西方政治家和学者所热衷的一种民主理论.传入中国后,引起了中国政治学界对中国民主政治发展的反思与探索.国内学者在对西方协商民主理论解读的同时,也在不断探索和实践协商民主在中国的应用和理论创新     

协商民主理论与中国民主政治发展方向的思考

协商民主理论,是20世纪80年代西方政治家和学者所热衷的一种民主理论。传入中国后,也激起了中国政治学界对中国民主政治发展的反思与探索。在对西方协商民主理论解读的同时,也在不断探索和实践协商民主在中国的应用和理论创新。协商民主在中国的研究和实践正方兴未艾。     

职高学生“问题行为”的分类及表现形式探究

正"问题行为"一词英文译为"Problem Behavior"最早是由西方学者提出来的。20世纪80年代以后,由于对问题行为研究的学者越来越多,他们给问题行为作出了不同的界定。一、职高学生问题行为的界定林格伦觉得问题行为是一切引起麻烦的行为,或者可以说这种行为的发生会产生麻烦。我国学者对问题行为的关注开始于上世纪的80年代。学者们根据我国的实际情况出发对学生问题行为进行了充分的探索,但是由于研究对象、内容     

公民社会理论研究

一、公民社会的涵义 近年来,随着公民社会这一问题讨论的深入,公民社会这一概念的应用日趋频繁。现在,我们中国学者使用的“公民社会”是由英文词组civilsociety翻译过来的,这一译名是对civilsociety的政治学意义的强调,即公民民主参与的政治功能和公民社会对国家权力的制约。现代意义上的公民社会在分析范畴上是与政治国家互相对应的。按照现代社会政治哲学的观点,公民社会的基本内涵可以界定为：以市场经济为基础,以契约文化为中轴,以尊重和保护公民的基本权利为主旨的社会自主领域。它是相对于政治国家而言,建立在现代化大生产和发达市场经济基础上的社会成员的物质交往方式及社会自主的生存样式。     

农业起源与“广谱革命”理论的变迁

广谱革命是国际学界农业起源研究的一个重要理论概念,自20世纪60年代以来被广泛用来指导中石器时代人类觅食策略和经济形态的变迁研究,并取得了显著的成果。在后来的半个世纪里,这一概念被不断的检验、充实和提高,并不断受到新材料的挑战。目前,过渡阶段的经济变迁也日益受到中国考古学界的关注,深入了解这一概念的发展,有助于我们提高研究水准,为我国的农业起源研究提供有益的理论指导。     

钟敬文与“人民口头创作”:因缘、调适与影响

20世纪50年代,为了适应“学苏联”的社会主潮,钟敬文积极将“人民口头创作”这一概念引入中国。在这一过程中,左翼革命的理想主义,民族主义的立场,他自身实证主义的知识结构,以及中国本土的文明传统的事实深刻影响了他对这一概念的认知。出于新文艺建设的需要,他注重“人民口头创作”的应用价值。在实际的概念界定、理论建构和教学实践中,他又充分顾及了中国本土的特殊性和独立学科构建的需要,对“人民口头创作”做了调适,力图构建更具本土化、实证色彩与开放性的学科体系。理论的本土化过程显示出钟敬文在政治与学术间保持平衡的努力以及由此产生的理论冲突,体现了中国民间文艺发展在“为学术”与“为文艺”两种学科目的之间的张力。     

20世纪80年代以来国内清代长江中游经济史研究综述

清代是长江中游地区经济发展的一个重要历史时期。20世纪80年代以前,国内学者对于这一区域清代经济史的研究还没有涉足,较早涉足这一研究领域的是上世纪50—60年代日本学者对湖南的米市以及湖广集市的考察①。80年代以后,国内学者对这一领域的研究日益关注。就笔者统计所及,80年代至今,国内学者相关研究论文已有80多篇,专著已有10多部,尤其是近年来更是出现了对长江中游市镇经济和商品经济的研究。回顾总结20多年来的研究成果,对于进一步拓宽或深入该领域的研究将不无裨益。一城市、市镇经济研究城市和市镇经济研究是本区域清代经济史研究的…     

“公民不服从”与媒体表达

虽然由西方学者提出并弘扬,“公民不服从”这一概念却越来越具有世界性的影响力。这一概念的广泛推行,在很大程度上反映了公民理性的全面提升,也成为社会公民寻求拓宽意见表达的渠道、形成强大舆论凝聚力,在自身的正常利益遭遇侵害却又无法得到合法保护时不得不采用的一种违抗和不支持行为,在这个过程中,法律和政策的权威性遭遇挑战。公民不服从的可贵在于这种精神是公民权利意识的雏形,     

The People's Climate March: Environmental populism as political genre

Contemporary political ecological research on populism has demonstrated how authoritarian and strongarm tactics come to be hitched to reductive symbolic representations of “the people,” often with disastrous environmental impacts. Advocates of “left-populism” argue that such research can give the erroneous impression that “populism” and “authoritarianism” are essentially synonymous. Skeptical of formalist arguments, Gramscians argue that populism, as a quite variegated and fundamentally spatial phenomenon, must be viewed historically, in situ. But all three arguments share a quick assessment of populism, without always attending to its embedded multiplicity. Bringing together insights from Stuart Hall and Lauren Berlant, this article seeks to expand geographical understandings of the dynamic forms and styles of environmental politics by proposing thinking of populism as a political genre. This theoretical schema helps to cut through formalist versus historicist debates while directing attention to the affective scenes through which populism is performed. In order to demonstrate the utility of examining populism's genre and scenes, I examine political essays written surrounding the 2014 People’s Climate March. Essays debated activist expectations concerning political subjectivity, tactics, scales of action, signifiers, and aesthetics for best confronting global inequality and the climate crisis alike. Through contesting the meaning of “the people” and “populism,” divergent leftist political interpretations both repeated and tweaked generic populist forms. By examining the performative construction and contestation of “the people” through languages and spaces of climate action, I advocate a humble yet still critical political ecological approach to understanding contemporary populism.     

On Spatial Planning and Marxism: Looking Back,Going Forward

The renewed interest in Marxism that occurred in social sciences and humanities after the 2008 economic crisis has not yet found its counterpart in spatial planning. This paper examines what Marxist planning theory and practices could mean in the current conjuncture. It does so through scrutinising (1) the vibrant Marxist discourse in planning that existed in the late 1970s and early 1980s, (2) the recent history (since the 1980s) of planning theory and its relation to the political economy, and (3) the current political economic context (not least defined by the diabolic crisis). Where previous Marxist approaches to planning were very strong on analysing the political economy, I argue there is currently a need—with old hegemonies losing ground, communicative approaches losing support, and neoliberalism in the political economy losing legitimacy—to also discuss establishing alternatives.     

The spatial encounter between neoliberalism and populism in Taiwan: Regional restructuring under the DPP regime in the new millennium

This paper aims to explore the unevenness of spatial development under the rule of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of Taiwan, after the collapse of the one-party dominance of the Kuomintang (KMT) in the 2000 presidential election. In the late 1980s the KMT engineered the rise of big business groups and consortia with the introduction of its neoliberalization project. To remain in power, the DPP regime continued to implement this neoliberalization project to win the political loyalties and donations from emerging business groups and show a dedication to economic development, while resorting to the populist practice of transferring resources to the local society, particularly winning precincts, to consolidate its advantage and further crumble the KMT bastions. Consequently, Taiwan was a “vacillated state”, pulled and dragged between the pro-growth neoliberalization project and calls for a populist redistribution of resources. This resulted in a new political dynamic in which the urban regions were tied closely with the global economic growth while the rural regions were closely tied to domestic resource allocation. As the developmental model of state would predict, this contradictory co-existence of neoliberalism and populism led to a decline in state policy effectiveness.     

Populism and nationalism

Few social science categories have been more heatedly contested in recent years than ‘populism’. One focus of debate concerns the relation between populism and nationalism. Criticising the tendency to conflate populism and nationalism, De Cleen and Stavrakakis argue for a sharp conceptual distinction between the two. They situate populist discourse on a vertical, and nationalist discourse on a horizontal axis. I argue that this strict conceptual separation cannot capture the productive ambiguity of populist appeals to ‘the people’, evoking at once plebs, sovereign demos and bounded community. The frame of reference for populist discourse is most fruitfully understood as a two‐dimensional space, at once a space of inequality and a space of difference. Vertical opposition to those on top (and often those on the bottom) and horizontal opposition to those outside are tightly interwoven, generally in such a way that economic, political and cultural elites are represented as being ‘outside’ as well as ‘on top’. The ambiguity and two‐dimensionality of appeals to ‘the people’ do not result from the conflation of populism and nationalism; they are a constitutive feature of populism itself, a practical resource that can be exploited in constructing political identities and defining lines of political opposition and conflict.     

How should we analyze the connections between populism and nationalism: A response to Rogers Brubaker

In a recent article in this journal, Rogers Brubaker formulates a critique of the distinction we make in our work between populism and nationalism, and further develops his own, thicker conceptualization of populism, which integrates the nationalist dimension without however totally conflating populism and nationalism. In this article, we briefly respond to the critique of our work, further clarifying and refining our plea for clearly distinct conceptualizations of populism and nationalism in dialogue with the considerations formulated by Rogers Brubaker. More broadly, we see this response as a chance to contribute to the further development of a framework that allows for the rigorous study of populism's pivotal as well as complex and often troubling relation with nationalism.     

Austerity,Right Populism,and the Crisis of Labour in Canada

In the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis, neoliberal governments embarked on austerity programs that include reducing public services, imposing public sector wage restraint, and reorganizing public sector working conditions and labour relations. In this context of economic crisis and austerity, populism has risen across North America and Europe on both the right and left of the political spectrum. The rise of right populism in particular confronts unions with key organizational and strategic challenges as neoliberal governments seek to mobilize right populist discourses in their efforts to restructure work and labour relations. Using a socio‐geographic framework, and based on an examination of post‐2008 legislative and policy measures undertaken at the federal, provincial, municipal levels in Canada, this paper explores the nexus between “uneven austerity”, rising populism, and union strategic capacities. We examine this intersection of austerity and populism at multiple scales to reveal the implications for organized labour.     

National reproduction: Norway's new national library

ABSTRACT. This article elaborates on the concept of national reproduction as a means of analysing how national categories were redefined and adjusted in the political process that led to the establishment of the National Library of Norway. Three different forms of national reproduction may be distinguished in this process: the adjustment of cultural and territorial hierarchies within the nation‐state in the 1980s; the consolidation of the national community by defining it in contrast to the “foreign” in the 1990s; and the definition by the political elite of a “new national we” that includes the “foreign” after the turn of the millennium.     

Blurred images: Indro Montanelli’s anti-politics

Through a close reading of Indro Montanelli’s 1944/1945 novel Here They Do Not Rest, this article argues that the famous and popular Italian journalist Montanelli contributed significantly to a particular Italian form of ‘anti-politics’ after the fall of fascism. It argues that anti-politics in Italy provides the foundation for the county’s right-wing populism and that it makes a significant contribution to political and historiographical revisionism of the fascist past. Indro Montanelli is read as an important architect of this revisionism and as such read against his popular image.     

Populism during the period of the 1911 Revolution

Russian populism spread in China at the turn of the twentieth century in the name of anarchism, nihilism, and socialism, and gradually contributed to the formation of modern Chinese populism. Populism around the time of the 1911 Revolution had two characteristics: one was its deep hatred of capitalism which regarded capitalism as an ugly, decadent, and regressive historical phenomenon; the other characteristic was an attempt to get around the developmental stage of capitalism in order to proceed directly into socialism. Compared with Russian populism, modern Chinese populism did not have well-organized proponents, nor did it have any systemic system of populist political thought. It manifested itself more as a populist intellectual tendency without a strong self-awareness. Agrarian civilization and Confucianism provided the hotbed for populism, and a superficial understanding of Western capitalism was the main cultural drive that bred populism. The most important feature of modern Chinese populism was the fantasy of leaping from a backward agrarian country into socialism by surpassing capitalist industrialization.     

Beyond the Washington Consensus? Asia and Latin America in search of more autonomous development

International economic power (the ability to shape rules of global economic conduct) needs to be understood in terms of the interactions between rule‐makers and rule‐takers in the global economy. Attempts to reshape development paradigms through interventions during financial crisis have been highly significant for the domestic political economy of the developing world. In the 1980s and early 1990s, the primary question was how much countries would liberalize in response to financial crisis. Reactions to the crises of the late 1990s in Asia and Latin America were more varied. This article explores domestic political responses to crises in both regions in the 1980s and late 1990s. It argues that countries are finding it increasingly difficult to trump domestic political pressure for change with arguments about technocratic necessity. Popular pressure is pushing governments into new experiments in economic nationalism, not a radical rejection of global economic integration, but a reshaping of relationships in an attempt to secure national interests and, in some cases, to devote more resources to welfare. Experiments to date are modest, but could presage more significant change in the future.