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1.
Aspects of burial custom in Roman Britain which seem to be influenced by Roman ideas include burials found accompanied by coins, eggs, charcoal, phials, which once contained perfume, and ritual objects, such as jugs and pateras. The implications of these customs are considered together with the significance of symbolism displayed on tombstones. Discussion of funerary ritual, as it might have been practised in Roman Britain, includes the portrayal of the funerary banquets on tombstones. It is concluded, on the evidence available, that burial custom, like religious thought, was a matter of personal choice, partly because the Romans did not attempt to prescribe funerary practice, except in the law relating to the positioning of cemeteries, and partly because of the strong influence of Celtic religious belief surviving in Roman Britain.  相似文献   

2.
The recovery of new plant remains from eastern Croatia are discussed here in order to determine their ritual significance and how this evidence may fit into chronological and regional observations on ritual plant offerings in the Roman world. Samples collected from inhumations, cremations and an altar dedicated to Silvanus Domesticus, dating from the 2nd to 4th centuries AD, are presented and show that a range of more ‘common’ plant remains, such as cereals and pulses, were an important part of ritual life. These results are also compared to the growing archaeobotanical data collected from shrine and cremation burials across Europe. Although the archaeobotanical data from the Croatian sites are limited, the increasing evidence of ritual plant use allows observations regarding the wider context of Roman social and religious change.  相似文献   

3.
Microsamples removed from funeral figurines, which were found in two Hellenistic (third to second centuries bc ) and two Roman (first to second centuries ac ) tombs in the centre of Thessaloniki, Greece, are investigated following a multi‐analytical approach. Polarized light microscopy (PLM), X‐ray fluorescence (XRF) spectroscopy, micro‐Raman spectroscopy and high‐performance liquid chromatography coupled with a diode array detector (HPLC–DAD) are employed to identify both inorganic and organic pigments. PLM is useful to reveal the combinations of the colourants, which are identified as follows. Red ochre, cinnabar, yellow ochre, Egyptian blue, carbon black, calcite, dolomite and quartz are identified using XRF and Raman spectroscopy. HPLC–DAD is used to identify the organic colourants, which are rarely detected in painted objects of the Hellenistic and Roman period. In particular, cochineal and madder are found in six samples extracted from Hellenistic figurines. This is the first study describing the unequivocal identification of cochineal in Hellenistic objects. Furthermore, madder is identified in one sample dated to the Roman period. Madder lakes detected in the samples contain high amounts of purpurin; alizarin is either not detected or detected in trace amounts.  相似文献   

4.
The site of Conchopata in the central Peruvian Andes was the secondary center in the heartland of the Wari Empire (AD 600–1000), and in this study we examine whether this urban locale was populated by locals, voluntary migrants from distant regions, and/or captives who were forcibly brought to Conchopata. We examine radiogenic strontium isotope ratios from 72 dental enamel and bone samples representing 31 formal burials and 18 human trophy heads to distinguish between locals and non-locals, and we examine skeletal and archaeological data to establish whether non-local persons were voluntary migrants or captives. We also describe a new, straightforward technique in the evaluation of radiogenic strontium isotope ratios to assist in detecting non-locals when large datasets are available.Results show that natal Conchopata inhabitants should exhibit radiogenic strontium isotope ratios that range from 87Sr/86Sr = 0.70548 to 87Sr/86Sr = 0.70610. Thus, among the 31 burials, 29 exhibit local values, suggesting that Conchopata was not a cosmopolitan center to which numerous foreigners migrated; rather, it was populated by local peoples, likely the descendants of the preceding Huarpa culture. The two individuals with non-local radiogenic strontium isotope ratios are an infant and a 17–22 years old female. The archaeological context suggests that the female may have been taken captive for subsequent sacrifice, as she was interred in front of the ritual D-shaped structure in which decapitated human heads (trophy heads) and sacrificed camelids were deposited. Among the 18 trophy heads sampled, 14 have non-local values, confirming previous studies of smaller samples that suggested that Wari warriors travelled to other locales and took captives—both adults and children—for subsequent transformation into trophy heads. Additional analyses of bone-tooth pairs from a subsample (12 burials and six trophy heads) shows that the burial group was much more sedentary (homogenous radiogenic strontium isotope ratios in bones and teeth) and the trophy head individuals were much more mobile (heterogenous radiogenic strontium isotope ratios in bones and teeth). Overall, the multiple lines of evidence support the notion that the Wari Empire occasionally used militaristic means, combined with elaborate ritualism, to subjugate other populations, a tactic that may have helped Wari establish and maintain control in particular regions in the Andes.  相似文献   

5.
The behavioural, cultural, and political implications of archaeological human remains in non‐mortuary, possibly culinary, contexts requires that we understand the range of mortuary practices in a particular region. Although several rockshelter sites on Mangaia, Cook Islands have yielded burned, fragmentary human bones in earth ovens that seem to support archaeological models and ethnohistoric accounts of ritual sacrifice and cannibalism, the absence of data on the range of Mangaian mortuary patterns obscures these interpretations. We describe burial patterns based on 40 above‐ground interments representing at least 92 individuals in caves of Mangaia, Cook Islands, in order to begin to develop an island‐wide perspective on mortuary patterns. Sampling both pre‐ and post‐European contact sites we found that multiple interments dominate probable pre‐contact burials (73%, 19 of 26) and single interments dominate post‐contact contexts (80%, eight of ten burials), probably reflecting the influence of Christianity on mortuary ritual. Subadults were more frequent in all post‐contact contexts suggesting alternative burial places, probably church cemeteries, for adults. Burial cave remains are broadly consistent with ethnohistoric accounts of interment in caves, however, they also illustrate additional burial practices and differences between time periods, such as primary body position and the role of multiple‐individual interments, which are not discussed ethnohistorically. The mortuary practices in Mangaian burial caves differ from burials associated with marae and seem completely unrelated to the presence of highly fragmentary and burnt human remains in pre‐contact rockshelter middens elsewhere on the island. Copyright © 2003 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

6.
This study is based on the paleaopathology of leprosy on human skeletal remains and the detection of ancient Mycobacterium leprae DNA. Two cases of childhood leprosy were recognized. The first case was in a Roman necropolis at Martellona (Rome, Central Italy), dated to the 2nd to 3rd centuries ce . The skeleton of a child aged 4–5 years, from tomb 162, is the youngest individual in Italy from this time period, with the clear rhino‐maxillary syndrome and other bony changes indicative of leprosy. The second case from a burial at Kovuklukaya, in the Sinop region of Northern Turkey, was from the 8th to the 10th centuries, during the Byzantine era. The endocranium of a 4–5‐month‐old infant with new bone formation—an indication of chronic inflammation—was positive for M. leprae DNA. Infant and childhood leprosy is uncommon today, and there is a scarcity of information in the osteoarchaeological literature of leprosy in the past, especially in children. The significance of these cases is that it adds to an understanding of the history of the disease in the former Roman Empire. It is hoped that over time sufficient data can be obtained to understand the epidemiological dynamics and clinical evolution of leprosy from the ancient period until today. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

7.
During Roman times plant products were frequently used as offerings in graves. The cremation ritual, dominant during the two first centuries AD in Gaul, allowed the preservation of some of these plant remains by carbonization. Up to now in Grande Limagne (Auvergne, Massif Central) only one cremation burial had given rise to archaeobotanical study. Five new sites are analysed in the Clermont Ferrand area. Vegetal offerings are largely dominated by cereals (Triticum aestivum/turgidum and Hordeum vulgare principally but also Panicum miliaceum and possibly a hulled wheat species) and pulses (Lens culinaris, Lupinus albus, Pisum sativum and Vicia faba). Grande Limagne results are compared to archaeobotanical data from other parts of France. Auvergne sites are close to those from central France and differ from Mediterranean and Rhône valley sites. This group is characterized by a greater part of Mediterranean or exotic fruits, newly introduced or developed by the Romans, and bread or pastry. This reflect the strongest Romanization of the Mediterranean–Rhône–Rhine axis. On the other hand cereal- and pulse-offerings dominating in central France could be more affected by Iron age traditions. This last hypothesis has to be confirmed by new studies on Iron age cremation burials.  相似文献   

8.
Two single bovine burials and one mixed animal burial (containing bovine and canid skeletal remains) have been unearthed at two Baden culture sites, Aljmaš‐Podunavlje and Osijek‐Retfala located in Eastern Croatia. Zooarchaeological analysis attributed the faunal remains to domesticated cattle (Bos taurus) and in one case a dog (Canis familiaris). Almost complete and articulated skeletons of subadult or adult cows were found in all three examined features, while pit 59/60 from Aljmaš also contained a skull belonging to an adult‐domesticated cattle and a skeleton of a very young dog, 2–3 months old. All of the skeletons are well preserved and display no evidence of carcass processing indicating that the animals were buried intentionally. Consideration of the positions in which these animals were interred and their relationship with nearby deposits enables discussion of potential animal burial strategies and possible connections with certain ritual practices in which cows and in one case a dog played important roles. The described burials represent the southernmost known distribution of the rite discussed. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

9.
A survey of almost 50 gilded objects in the British Museum has traced the occurrence of the mercury gilding technique from the later Roman and Sasanian Empires of the third and fourth centuries AD to the late Chou period in China of the third century BC. The technique appears to have been unknown during the Hellenistic period and under the Roman Republic and early Empire. Mercury gilding was identified by microscopic examination and qualitative emission spectrographic analysis.  相似文献   

10.
By integrating osteological, taphonomic, archaeological and stable isotopic data, we test for cannibalism in the Lau Group, Fiji and discuss the potential underlying cause(s) and context(s) of this behaviour. First, we compare taphonomic and element representations of human skeletal material from two contexts in Fiji, examining human bone fragments from archaeological sites, including middens and burials in the Lau Island Group. Fourteen sites produced human remains. Only two of those sites included distinct human burial contexts, but in the remaining 12 sites, the human bone was recovered from middens or contexts where midden was mixed with possible secondary burials. A total of 262 number of identified specimens per species, representing an estimated 15 minimum number of individuals make up the Lau human assemblage. Second, we analysed bones contained in 20 individual human burials from four different sites that are housed at the Fiji Museum for comparative purposes. Third, we examine previously published stable isotopic (δ13C, δ15N) analysis of bone collagen to gauge protein consumption of likely cannibalised humans in midden contexts and potential cannibals from primary burials. We model a cannibalistic diet category within the context of isotopically measured Pacific Islands food groups and apply an isotopic mixing model to gauge plausible dietary contributions from six sources including human flesh. Isotopic mixing models of the Lauan samples illustrate a high diversity in reconstructed diets. The percent contribution of human flesh is low for all individual Lauans. We conclude that mortuary rituals evidenced by sharp‐force trauma may suggest non‐nutritive and non‐violent practices that may have included the consumption of small amounts of human flesh. Copyright © 2012 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

11.
A sample of skeletons excavated from an undisturbed prehistoric (4000–3500 years BP) burial site in Thailand included a high proportion of individuals with anterior teeth missing in distinctive, mostly symmetrical, patterns. The patterns, types and numbers of teeth missing have been compared between males and females, with age at death, with depth of burial and among spatially distinct groups within the cemetery. The patterns of missing teeth changed over time. In early burials, lateral maxillary incisors were most commonly missing. Two-thirds of the adults had missing teeth. There were no significant differences between the sexes or with age. In later burials, central maxillary incisors and mandibular incisors were most commonly missing. All adults and some children as young as 11 years had missing teeth. There were no significant changes with age but females had more missing teeth than males. Loss as a result of extreme wear inflicted through the use of teeth as tools, congenital absence and ritual ablation are discussed as explanations for the absence of the teeth. The evidence suggests that ritual ablation is the most likely explanation, although the loss of mandibular incisors in some early burials may be as a result of industrial use of the teeth. The ablation of maxillary lateral incisors, found in the early burials, has been recorded at another prehistoric site in the west of Thailand and at sites in southern China.  相似文献   

12.
Existing 14C dates of charcoal and bone samples from different layers of the Late Epigravettian sequence at Arene Candide (Liguria, Italy) place the formation of the deposit between 12,000 and 10,000 (uncal.) BP, but it is unclear how long this cave was used for funerary purposes. Clarifying this point has important archaeological and anthropological implications, given number and variety of inhumations. These include single and double burials of richly ornamented adults, adolescents and children and disarticulated accumulations of bones. Six new direct 14C AMS dates obtained from human skeletons place more precisely the necropolis at the Late Pleistocene-Early Holocene boundary, and appear distributed in two distinct groups that indicate two phases of funerary utilisation of the cave. Although separated by many centuries, the two phases of interment show recurring formal elements. Both groups include skeletons in anatomical connection exhibiting similar grave goods as well as chaotic accumulations of bones and, more importantly, the double burial of an adult with a child lying to its left. The reappearance of similar funerary patterns in the same site at two widely separated points in time suggests that the cave held a symbolic significance over several centuries. This, and the additional evidence of funerary use of the cave during the preceding Gravettian, points to the endurance of Upper Palaeolithic cultural traditions.  相似文献   

13.
In the Neolithic and Copper Age collective burials of the Portuguese Estremadura, the majority of material culture and skeletal remains are highly commingled, making it difficult for archaeologists to evaluate social status by linking individuals with specific grave goods. In these circumstances, bio‐anthropological data about individual life histories offer an additional avenue of investigation into social complexity among prehistoric communities practising collective burial. In this study, stable isotope data were gathered from 81 individuals from seven collective burial sites and one settlement, the fortified site of Zambujal, in order to determine if significant dietary differences exist within or between burials that may point to patterns of social differentiation, both at individual sites and across the region. While in general all of the sampled individuals consumed fairly homogeneous diets based on terrestrial animal proteins and C3 plants, this study found that statistically significant differences in δ13Cap and δ15N values exist between several sites, which may indicate socially differentiated consumption of meat and plants. Additionally, statistically significant differences were found in δ15N values between adults and juveniles, which may either be attributable to protein‐restrictive child‐feeding practices or physiological processes related to skeletal growth and development.  相似文献   

14.
Distinct patterns can be discerned in the extensive ritual tooth ablation found among the human skeletal remains of the Late–Final Jomon period (ca. 3200–2800 cal BP) in Japan. Based on comparative observations of sex and grave patterns in the skeletal remains, two major patterns in ritual tooth ablation, termed type 4I and type 2C, have been assigned to locals and immigrants, respectively. In order to test this hypothesis, strontium (Sr) isotope (87Sr/86Sr) analyses were performed on human skeletal remains from the Yoshigo shell mound in Aichi Prefecture, central Japan. Plants in the surrounding area were also examined to illustrate the geographic 87Sr/86Sr distribution. The Sr isotopic variation in human tooth enamel (87Sr/86Sr = 0.70868–0.71028) was greater than that in human bones (87Sr/86Sr = 0.70871–0.70943). Individuals with higher Sr isotope ratios in their tooth enamel than seawater Sr values of 0.7092 can be identified as immigrants (36% of population). The presence of these isotopically identified immigrants between both type 2C and type 4I individuals does not support the previous hypothesis. The intra-population 87Sr/86Sr distribution of tooth enamel of type 2C individuals showed a significantly higher mean ratio than that of type 4I individuals, suggesting a higher proportion of immigrants among the former.  相似文献   

15.
The objectives of this work are to present a set of methodological procedures to analyse commingled bone assemblages (e.g. secondary burials), in order to build the mortality profile of the Paso Alsina 1 site and discuss the obtained age at death distribution in a context of hunter‐gatherer populations that inhabited the eastern Pampa–Patagonia transition (Argentina) during the Final Late Holocene. The Paso Alsina 1 site is a formal disposal area of inhumations composed by multiple secondary burials dated at ca. 500 14C years BP. The site is comprised of a minimum number of 77 individuals, represented by both sexes and all age categories. The mortality profile is characterized by a bimodal pattern with a peak of greater representation of individuals younger than 3 years and another comprising the range between 20 and 34.9 years old. These results are discussed in relation to the paleopathological information available for the site, indicating that individuals suffered mainly disruptions in growth and development by systemic stress. The mortality profile obtained suggests that this skeletal series would not have formed as a result of a catastrophic event. On the contrary, it is an atricional mortality profile, consisting of individuals who died at different times and places and for varied reasons. Later, skeletal remains were grouped into secondary bundles and simultaneously buried at the site. Body manipulation and secondary burials are common in the context of a social reorganization that occurred in the area and in neighbouring regions during the Final Late Holocene. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

16.
Exploration of the Medici Chapels in the Basilica of San Lorenzo in Florence revealed the burials of nine juvenile members of the Medici family (16th–17th centuries). The estimated children's skeletal ages ranged from newborns to 5‐year‐olds, showing a series of bone abnormalities, in particular diffuse periosteal new bone and bowing of long bones. The comparable pathological lesions, including porosity evident on the skull, orbital roofs, costocondral ribs and growth plates between metaphyses and epiphyses, enlargement of metaphyses and sternal rib ends, and long bone bending, are interpreted as the skeletal manifestation of rickets. The diagnosis of a metabolic disease linked to vitamin D deficiency would appear to be unexpected for children brought up at the court of a Renaissance elite class family like the Medici of Florence. Analysis of the historical and social background is particularly helpful to understand the causes of the onset of the disease in this aristocratic group. Documentary sources, supported by 13C and 15N bone collagen analysis, attest that weaning of these children took place when they were around 2 years old. With a prolonged breast‐feeding and a delay in introducing solid food in the diet, vitamin D deficiency is expected to rise considerably, in particular if the other main risk factor, namely inadequate sunlight exposition, is associated with this human milk‐based diet. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

17.
Abstract

A 1985 article in JFA introduced a technique for stabilizing adult human skeletal remains. A modification of this technique was developed for the removal of two fragile infant burials from a Caddoan site in east Texas that enabled the excavators to remove and transport the pedestaled burials to a laboratory setting for more precise and detailed excavation. Details of this application are described, as is the utility of this method.  相似文献   

18.
The Ramat Saharonim site, located in the central Negev desert, Israel, consists of four shrines in a shallow valley and 30 tumuli, aligned on two cuesta cliffs on the valley's sides. Previous assessments based on site surveys suggested a general chronological span from Late Neolithic period (ca. 5000–5500 BC) through the Early Bronze Age (third millennium BC). Excavations in one shrine and three tumuli revealed a well-constructed double wall at the shrine and seven primary adult burials in the three tumuli. Quartz from sediment samples post-dating the construction of the burials and shrine was dated by optically stimulated luminescence (OSL) using the single aliquot regenerative dose (SAR) protocol, and charcoal and leather samples were dated by 14C. The OSL results for a burial in one tumulus are 7500 ± 700 to 6000 ± 600 years. In a second tumulus, OSL ages of 2000 ± 200–1800 ± 170 years and a 14C age on leather of 390–200 BC (2340–2150 cal BP) imply that this burial is Nabatean and that the site was used also in the Hellenistic period. Two 14C ages on charcoal from the shrine give an age between 5280 and 4710 BC (7230–6660 cal BP). OSL single aliquot ages for sediment from the shrine are highly scattered and far too old (60,000 to 12,000 years). The unlikely old ages are due to insufficient resetting of the OSL signal of some of the quartz grains when sand was blown onto the site. Indeed, single grain measurements for six samples of sediment postdating the shrine show a very large range of grain ages, but with a distinct young population in all samples. Ages calculated from these young populations average 5400 ± 800, in better consistence with the 14C dates and confirming our supposition that only some of the transported grains were reset at the time of deposition. The combined OSL and 14C dating shows that the shrines and tumuli are contemporaneous and attributes the complex to the Late Neolithic. This has clear ramifications for our understanding of the period and the rise of desert pastoral societies.  相似文献   

19.
Abstract

Stobi is an ancient city ca. 150 km. north of Thessalonica in what is now Yugoslavian Macedonia. It lies in the juncture of two important rivers, the Erigon and the Axius, which are known today as the Crna and the Vardar. Excavations since 1970 by the joint American-Yugoslav Stobi Excavation Project have contributed significantly to our understanding of living conditions, social organization, arts, crafts, and religion in Stobi. The excavations have also increased our knowledge of the physical environment, of the external political, commercial, military, and religious relations, and generally of the history of Stobi from the 3rd century B.C. to the late 6th century A.C. Its growth can now be traced from a relatively small but strategic Paeonian and later Macedonian community during the Hellenistic era, to a large and prosperous municipium during the early centuries of the Roman Empire and finally to a provincial capital and episcopal see of the later Empire.  相似文献   

20.
A 19th‐century dog burial uncovered from a historical homelot in Toronto, Canada, provided a unique opportunity to reconstruct the individual's osteobiography. Of particular interest are the dog's very large size and a suite of skeletal pathologies. Recovery of a nearly complete skeleton combined with the use of X‐rays and micro‐computed tomography (micro‐CT) allowed for a discriminating differential diagnoses. Stable isotope analyses were applied to investigate questions of diet. Results reveal an individual who suffered greatly from disease towards the end of his life and hint at its owners attitudes towards dogs. The interdisciplinary approach applied to this case study highlights the potential information obtainable from pet burials. We argue that better analyses and reporting of pet burials will help address research questions targeting broader themes related to human–animal relationships. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

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