托马斯·杰斐逊的民主理想

在美国历史上,如果哪一个人能作为美国民主的象征,那就是托马斯·杰斐逊。一个占有奴隶的贵族竟然是美国民主的布道者,这无疑是充满了讽刺的美国历史中最大的讽刺。无论我们将民主视为个人所拥有的生命、自由和追求幸福的权利,还是视为多数人自我统治的权利,杰斐逊都成了它在美国最著名的代言人。在美国历史上,没有人比杰斐逊对普通人民怀有更大的信念,也没有人比他对未来更为乐观。     

塑造一个民主的自我:托马斯·杰斐逊与美国民主的起源

从个人维度来探讨托马斯·杰斐逊对革命的共和事业的奉献,我们可以得出这样一个结论,即杰斐逊的个人独立与美国独立的宣布和维护不可避免地联系在了一起。这位《独立宣言》的起草者与其他签字人一道,不惜舍身拼命以摈弃对乔治三世的效忠,把自己当作造反派和叛徒,同时又把其个人的身份融进他所协助构想出来的"人民"身份之中。揭示杰斐逊革命生涯的个人维度,对于我们理解杰斐逊对自主而能表达同意的个人权利的崇奉,他的自我塑造和他形成中的自治的民主政体的概念,都具有核心意义。     

错案探究:公权无界与私权无助

在探讨宪政时,绕不开两个关键词:"公权"与"私权"。公权,原本是授予之权、委托之权,是为保护私权而存在、而具有合法性的;私权,则是"本权",即天赋之权,如生命权、健康权、名誉权、自由权、财产权等,它们中的许多权利与生俱来,     

精于绘事 慷慨书写——《杰斐逊传》初评

刘祚昌先生撰写的《杰斐逊传》,最近已由中国社会科学出版社付梓面世。这是我国学术界和读书界的一件喜事。托马斯·杰斐逊是世界近代历史上的一位伟人,更是美国历史上一位不世出的人物,“他的民主思想、优秀品德及政治魄力,对美国人民及后世发生了巨大的影响”(《杰斐逊传》,第1页)。把这样一位杰出人物介绍给     

华盛顿、杰斐逊缉捕逃奴的两则广告

华盛顿、杰斐逊在国外史学界一直被尊为人类自由、平等的象征。尤其是《独立宣言》的主要起草人杰斐逊,更被看成是反对奴隶制的。直至本世纪六十年代,一些研究黑人问题的史学家,如林德、     

杰斐逊的“自由帝国”观及其影响

自由是美国民众信奉的共和意识形态的核心,对他们的世界观的形成以及处理内外事务的方式和确定国家追求的长远目标等产生了很大的影响。对杰斐逊那一代人来说,在帝国前边加上自由这个修饰语,体现了美国与传统的帝国在本质上的区别,美国的版图扩张与保障自由的共和制向外延伸的统一。杰斐逊的自由帝国观,很大程度上反映了他对这个新国家如何维护共和政体的理论思考。杰斐逊未曾系统地阐述过他的自由帝国观,但这种观念可以说是一直存在于他的脑海之中,不时地根据局势的需要提了出来,成为其扩张思想的经典表述。疆土扩张和文化影响的有机结合是杰斐逊自由帝国观的实质所在。迄今为止,杰斐逊为美国设计的自由帝国远景依然是美国政府孜孜以求的目标。     

据实治史 独抒己见——《杰斐逊传》评介

关于杰斐逊研究,在美国已形成“杰斐逊学”,但在中国的美国学研究领域,却长时期处在译介阶段,更无由国人自己撰写的专著问世。山东师范大学历史系刘祚昌教授的新著《杰斐逊传》(中国社会科学出版社1990年版)无疑是填补了这一空白。 托马斯·杰斐逊(1743—1826)之所以重要,不仅在于他历任弗吉尼亚州长、联邦国务卿、副总统、总统(1801—1809)的从政经历,重要的还在于他是美国历史上杰出的政治活动家、启蒙思想家、伟大的教育家和民主传统的奠基人。他起草的《独立宣言》不仅是宣     

杰斐逊的外交思想与其对美国根本利益的界定

杰斐逊的外交思想是建立在他对美国根本利益界定的基础上的。这种界定包括两个方面:美国应该采取什么样的发展道路以及什么样的国际结构对美国最为有利。关于前者,杰斐逊认为美国应该成为由独立的农场主占主导地位的共和国,为此需要在美洲大陆上不断扩张,并且拥有海上贸易自由。关于后者,杰斐逊认为美洲和欧洲是两个不同的世界,美国不能卷入欧洲事务,并且需要依靠欧洲大国之间相互牵制的力量均势来保证自己的安全。在美洲大陆的扩张、海上贸易自由、在欧洲的冲突中保持中立和对欧洲均势的重视就是杰斐逊外交思想的四根支柱,它们构成了日后美国外交政策发展的基本框架。     

寻找杰斐逊 弗吉尼亚大学修复之路

弗吉尼亚大学是第一项以校园身份入选的遗产。杰斐逊不只是弗吉尼亚大学的创立人,也是整个学校景观规划的总设计师。在杰斐逊的设计蓝图中,弗吉尼亚大学是实现人文与自然科学领域独立精神的净土,是践行他的毕生追求——自然权威与理性权力的阵地。     

美国史研究的新视野、新题材与新路径——“美国史学新趋势”圆桌对话

2012年11月16～18日,北京大学历史学系和罗伯特·史密斯国际杰斐逊研究中心(The Robert H. Smith International Center for Jefferson Studies at Monticello)共同发起召开了一次美国史研讨会,有三十余名中外学者出席。会议的主题是"杰斐逊时代的民主、共和与国家构建",与会学者围绕"杰斐逊与民主问题"、"杰斐逊时代的共和主义"、"杰斐逊与早期美国的国族/国家构建"三个专题展开讨论。专题讨论结束后,会议主办方特意组织了两场圆桌讨论,采用对话的方式,交流关于美国史学近期动向的信息和看法。第一场对话的重点是"美国早期史研究的新趋向",由斯坦福大学杰克·雷科夫教授主持;第二场对话的主题是"21世纪的美国史学",由北京大学王立新教授主持。参与者全部采用英语发言。以下文字系根据现场录音整理和翻译,为了尽可能保持对话的原貌,整理者采取原话实录的方式,遇有录音不清晰的地方则用省略号标出;听众的反应也以括注的方式说明。出于篇幅和阅读效果的考虑,在翻译时删去了一些重复和脱离主题的部分,这些地方也相应地加了省略号。括号中的文字系整理者所加,作为补充或说明。由于时间紧迫,仅就个别不清楚或不确切的地方,与具体的发言人做过核对,整个发言并未经本人审阅,其中疏漏和误译在所难免,敬希读者明察。     

Globalizing a Race to Publish an Encyclopedia

In 1912, Daniel Alexander Payne Murray published a prospectus for his “Historical and Biographical Encyclopedia of the Colored Race throughout the World.” He promised to publish what literary historian Henry Louis Gates Jr., would describe as the “Grail” for black scholars. As Murray planned his encyclopedia in the first decade of the twentieth century, persons of African descent in the United States were killed and assaulted because of their race, and racial identification was as critical an issue as it was also ambiguous. Moreover, despite its ambiguity, or perhaps, because of it, race, in 1912 and since the Naturalization Act of 1790, had everything to do with American citizenship. In Murray’s time, whether a person was identified on the one hand as “white” or “octoroon” versus an identity as “black,” “Negro,” “mulatto,” or “quadroon” influenced whether or not that person could exercise his rights as an American citizen (with her rights barely entering the question). However, race, as Murray understood with its skin color codes shading the meaning of American citizenship, was much more a social construction than it was biological evidence of a person’s hereditary origins. Formulating a strategy in support of black American citizenship, Murray developed a global interpretation of the black American experience from a pragmatically ambiguous cultural practice to compose an identity for himself, his people, and his proposed encyclopedia.     

Between political emancipation and creole hegemony: Viscardo’s Letter to the Spanish Americans (c. 1791)

Viscardo’s Letter to the Spanish Americans inaugurates a tradition of nonconformist political writing against Spanish colonial rule during the second half of the eighteenth century, a period characterized by the Crown’s attempt to reorganize several aspects of the colonial administration. As an ex-Jesuit living in exile after the expulsion of the Society of Jesus from all Spanish territories in 1767, Viscardo had a political as much as a personal motive in designing a project that would cut the colonial ties between Spain and the New World. His plans for emancipation included the instauration of a monarchical form of government, but his design was out of touch with reality and would have hardly been taken seriously by the inhabitants had a British-backed expeditionary force reached the coasts of Chile and Peru, as he had planned. While Viscardo’s Letter may have stirred a sense of creole patriotism some years after his death, the political scruples of the ancien regime based on social privileges and racial distinctions were too strong to be dismantled by mere ideals of freedom, justice and equality. Thus, effective political participation was restricted to the creole elite, whom Viscardo saw as the legitimate guarantor of social order and economic prosperity.     

The “tribal spirit” in modern Britain: evolution,nationality, and race in the anthropology of Sir Arthur Keith

ABSTRACT

This article re-examines the anthropological scholarship of Sir Arthur Keith (1866–1955), who served as the president of the Royal Anthropological Institute (1914–1917), the Royal Anatomical Society (1918), and the British Association of the Advancement of Science (1927), who wrote prolifically on anatomy, evolution, and the idea of race. While most commonly associated with the Piltdown man hoax, Keith's contributions to the discipline were far greater and more complex. This essay specifically considers how Keith sought to problematize the concept of the nation, considering the nation-state as an evolutionary unit. The first half of this essay examines Keith's theories on the mechanism of evolution (hormonal instincts) and how this informed his ideas of races and nations as evolutionary units. The second half of the essay considers how Keith deployed his ideas about evolutionary instincts, with the goal of advising Britons about how an evolutionary perspective would help understand, if not resolve, modern political challenges, both international and domestic, that faced the British Empire around the time of the First World War.     

Racial rent differences in U.S. housing markets: Evidence from the housing voucher program

This paper exploits an unusually rich data set to estimate racial differences in the rents paid for identical housing in the same neighborhood in U.S. housing markets and to show how they vary with neighborhood racial composition. Results suggest that black households pay more for identical housing in identical neighborhoods than their white counterparts and that this rent gap increases with the fraction of the neighborhood white. In neighborhoods with the smallest fraction white, the premium is about 0.6%. In neighborhoods with the largest fraction white, it is about 2.4%. This pattern holds across different types of areas.     

Unsettling “Inner City”: Liberal Protestantism and the Postwar Origins of a Keyword in Urban Studies

The term inner city first achieved consistent usage through the writings of liberal Protestants in the USA after World War II. Its genesis was the product of an era when a largely suburban mainline Protestantism was negotiating its relationship to American cities. Liberal Protestants’ missionary brand of urban renewal refocused attention away from the blight and structural obsolescence thought to be responsible for urban decay, and instead brought into focus the cultural pathologies they mapped onto black neighbourhoods. The term inner city arose in this context, providing a rhetorical and ideological tool for articulating the role of the church in the nationwide project of urban renewal. I argue that even as it arose in contexts aiming to entice mainline Protestantism back into the cities it had fled, the term accrued its meaning by generating symbolic and geographic distance between white liberal churches and the black communities they sought to help.     

Symbolic Racism,Institutional Bias,and Welfare Drug Testing Legislation: Racial Biases Matter

Since the devolution of welfare policymaking to the states after the passage of the 1996 Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act, there has been contentious debate about drug testing welfare applicants. Beyond elite rhetoric and debate points about the implications of welfare drug testing, extant research remains limited insofar as providing theoretical understanding about what factors influence state proposal of legislation requiring welfare applicants to submit to drug tests. I develop and test expectations that derive from research on welfare attitudes, social construction theory, and policy design—specifically, hypotheses that the proportion of blacks on state temporary assistance for needy families caseloads, as well as state‐aggregate levels of symbolic racism, significantly influence state proposal of drug testing legislation. My multilevel analysis of every state proposal of welfare drug testing legislation from 2008 to 2014 yields strong evidence in support of these hypotheses and paints a more complete picture of the influence of racial attitudes on state welfare policymaking. Specifically, while much research finds evidence of institutional racial biases in the implementation of welfare policy, the evidence presented herein shows that these biases, as well as public biases, influence policymaking at the proposal stage. Implications of these findings are discussed in light of recent significant electoral gains made by Republicans in state legislatures.     

A Note on the Use and Misuse of the Racial Diversity Index

This note concerns the use of the Blau index of racial and ethnic diversity in the social sciences and in policy analysis. The diversity index, by design, captures the heterogeneity of the population group being studied, typically according to the racial and ethnic categories of the U.S. Census but does not account for the relative size of specific racial groups. Thus, with the most commonly used diversity index, the implicit assumption is that for the purposes of the analysis a population that is 80 percent white and 20 percent Asian is identical to a population that is 80 percent black and 20 percent Hispanic. Examples are given from studies of voting behavior, organizational performance, and the provision of public goods and services to show that the diversity index is often used in ways that are inappropriate given the context of the study.     

Eugenics ideals,racial hygiene,and the emigration process of German-American neurogeneticist Franz Josef Kallmann (1897–1965)

ABSTRACT

Biological psychiatry in the early twentieth century was based on interrelated disciplines, such as neurology and experimental biology. Neuropsychiatrist Franz Josef Kallmann (1897–1965) was a product of this interdisciplinary background who showed an ability to adapt to different scientific contexts, first in the field of neuromorphology in Berlin, and later in New York. Nonetheless, having innovative ideas, as Kallmann did, could be an ambiguous advantage, since they could lead to incommensurable scientific views and marginalization in existing research programs. Kallmann followed his Dr. Med. degree (1919) with training periods at the Charité Medical School in Berlin under psychiatrist Karl Bonhoeffer (1868–1948). Subsequently, he collaborated with Ernst Ruedin (1874–1952), investigating sibling inheritance of schizophrenia and becoming a protagonist of genetic research on psychiatric conditions. In 1936, Kallmann was forced to immigrate to the USA where he published The Genetics of Schizophrenia (1938), based on data he had gathered from the district pathological institutes of Berlin’s public health department. Kallmann resumed his role as an international player in biological psychiatry and genetics, becoming president (1952) of the American Society of Human Genetics and Director of the New York State Psychiatric Institute in 1955. While his work was well received by geneticists, the idea of genetic differences barely took hold in American psychiatry, largely because of émigré psychoanalysts who dominated American clinical psychiatry until the 1960s and established a philosophical direction in which genetics played no significant role, being regarded as dangerous in light of Nazi medical atrocities. After all, medical scientists in Nazi Germany had been among the social protagonists of racial hygiene which, under the aegis of Nazi philosophies, replaced medical genetics as the basis for the ideals and application of eugenics.     

You’re not welcome at my table: racial discourse,conflict and healing at the kitchen table

In this article, we reflect on the need for, and geography of, embodied cross-racial talk in the current political context. We reflect on our 2015 article ‘Kitchen Table Reflexivity: Negotiating Positionality through Everyday Talk’ to question whether we were too optimistic in our advocacy of the kitchen table as a space for racial reconciliation through interracial dialogue. We draw on our own experiences to explore multiple tables at which we may or may not both be present. In conclusion, we encourage everyone to do the hard work of determining which tables are the right ones for them to be present at to have the hard, but necessary, conversations about race and racialization in our contemporary society.     

External validity of hedonic price estimates: Heterogeneity in the price discount associated with having Black and Hispanic neighbors

We examined the hedonic price of neighborhood racial composition across a sample of 180 US housing markets and compared heterogeneity in results. Statistically significant estimated price elasticities calculated at the mean ranged from ?0.61 to 0.2 and ?0.26 to 0.21, for increases in Black and Hispanic neighborhood proportion, respectively. Hedonic price discounts for Black neighborhoods were greater when land supply was more inelastic, when the land value share of the housing cost was greater, and in the southern portion of the United States. Hedonic price discounts associated with Hispanic neighborhoods exhibited no patterns relative to geography or housing supply factors.