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1.
忠实可靠的朋友20世纪下半叶,特别是20世纪80年代以后,南非人民群众反对白人种族隔离制度的斗争进入了决战阶段。种族主义政权对黑人和其他有色人种的反抗实施残酷镇压,全国各地一片白色恐怖。曼德拉等一批黑人领袖被种族主义当局长期监禁在牢房,南非非洲人国民大会、泛非主义者大会、南非共产党等争取民族解放的政治组织通通被打入地下,完全处于非法地位,在南非境内几无立锥之地,被迫流亡到南部非洲“前线国家”,在极其困难的条件下坚持反对种族主义的斗争。这一斗争一直得到中国政府、中国人民和中国共产党人的同情和坚决支…  相似文献   

2.
种族主义不仅是南非长期实行种族隔离制度的思想渊源,而且对战后南非的对外政策产生了不容忽视的重大影响。这种影响主要表现为南非的地区霸权政策,南非与以色列、台湾地区构筑三角孤立联盟,努力谋求西方大国尤其是美国的庇护等三个方面。笔者拟从种族主义的视角,对此加以诠释。  相似文献   

3.
种族主义不仅是南非长期实行种族隔离制度的思想渊源,而且对战后南非的对外政策产生了不容忽视的重大影响。这种影响主要表现为南非的地区霸权政策,南非与以色列、台湾地区构筑三角孤立联盟,努力谋求西方大国尤其是美国的庇护等三个方面。笔者拟从种族主义的视角,对此加以诠释。  相似文献   

4.
1965年,英国在南部非洲的自治殖民地南罗得西亚的白人种族主义政权单方面宣布南罗得西亚脱离英国“独立”(以下一般简称:单方面宣布“独立”)。这一事件是第二次世界大战后非殖民化进程和非洲民族主义国家体系形成过程中的一个特殊历史现象。本文拟对导致这种特殊历史现象的各种因素系统地加以探讨。  相似文献   

5.
南非实行的种族隔离制度历来为国际社会瞩目。当前,南非在消除种族隔离制度方面已经迈出了可喜的步伐,但反对种族主义的斗争还是一项长期的任务。因为,南非种族主义的产生有其深刻的政治、经济原因,还有深远的历史根源。南非种族主义的产生、发展经历了一个漫长的历史过程,大致可以1922年兰德罢工和1948年国民党再次上台执政为界标划分为三个阶段。本文着重分析兰德罢工前后(1867—1948年)的阶级关系与种族主义的变化,希望对加深认识反种族主义斗争的艰巨性有所启迪。  相似文献   

6.
目前,南非正处于新旧体制交替之际。南非这个当代世界唯一以公开立法形式推行种族主义统治、这个非洲大陆上最顽固的种族主义堡垒,于1991年废除《土地法》、《集团住区法》、《人口登记法》三大种族隔离制度后,为广大黑人争取民主权利打下了基础。但由于种族主义的历史影响,南非仍面临着复杂的斗争形势和艰巨的任务,比如南非黑人暴力冲突问题就是个突出的问题,1991年,南非死于暴力冲突的有2300人,1992年高达3000人,增长了30.49%。最近,南非又接连爆发骇人听闻的黑人冲突事件。因此,要深刻认识南非问题,有必要对影响南非的政治、历史主流的种族主义问题进行历史考察。  相似文献   

7.
20世纪60年代“班图斯坦”(黑人家园)的设立,是南非现代史上的一个重大事件。白人政权不遗余力地积极推行这一“创举”,在南非国内和国际上都引起了强烈的反响。“黑人家园”的设立可谓“意味深长”,它是种族主义的极端体现,在政治上“让步”的背后,是精心设计的经济上“分别发展”计划的实施。  相似文献   

8.
在种族隔离制度下,南非的黑人城市化随着工业化的开展而逐步推进。对于黑人城市化,白人统治集团内部先后有过多次争论。为保持白人在政治和经济上的优势,从种族主义的意识形态出发,南非白人政府采取限制黑人城市化的政策,南非国会先后通过1923年的《土著(城市地区)法》和1952年的《土著法修订案》,作为限制黑人城市化的主要法律依据,辅以各种方式控制黑人的流动与就业,在城市空间分布上隔离白人城市与黑人城镇。限制政策滞后了黑人城市化进程,产生的负面效应至今仍然影响着南非社会经济发展。  相似文献   

9.
南非白人种族主义政权从二战后,特别是国民党执政起开始全面实施种族隔离政策,班图斯坦是其中一项主要内容。班图斯坦的提法虽然是在1959年的“班图自治法”中才正式出现,但它却经过了长期的发展和演变,从通行证制度、特居地、教会保留地到保留地制度,最后才以班图斯坦即黑人家园的形式趋于完备。剥夺非洲黑人的土地和政治权利,是这场演变中贯穿始终的主线。因此可以说,班图斯坦的起源、发展和完成是与殖民侵略、征服和统治南非的全过程相同步的。一  相似文献   

10.
孙琪 《世界历史》1999,(3):120-122
南非是非洲大陆最发达的国家,过去曾是种族主义统治的顽固堡垒,遭到国际社会的一致谴责,今天则因新南非的诞生而令世人瞩目!由张象先生主编、当代世界出版社出版的《彩虹之邦新南非》(以下简称《彩》书)是中国学者对南非研究的最新成果,是我国第一部论述南非历史与...  相似文献   

11.
ABSTRACT

As the potential for cultural and creative industries to drive growth and job creation is increasingly recognised, developing countries like South Africa are examining their cultural goods and services trade in a new light. This article investigates the pattern of South Africa’s cultural trade, with a focus on the strategically important BRICS trading bloc. Results show that, like many small, open developing countries, South Africa has a significant cultural goods trade imbalance, especially with China and India. While cultural trade policy is still somewhat fragmented, there are indications that where policies have been put in place, such as in the crafts and audio-visual sectors, progress in reducing significant deficits has been made. At the same time, the pattern of CCI trade preferences currently favours SADC, the EU and EFTA over BRICS partners. Finally, South Africa performs well in a number of services sectors for which cultural trade is important.  相似文献   

12.
本文在实证调查基础上,梳理了南非中国新移民面临的经济和社会问题,并在此基础上探讨了形成这种困境的内外部原因。从表面看来,中国新移民面临的问题直接来自于民族聚集区经济模式下的困境,民族聚集区经济强化了南非中国新移民的自我认同和族群边界,助长了他们普遍具有的"过客"心态,也使得他们逐渐面临众多经济、社会问题。然而,实质上,中国新移民的困境也与南非的社会政策大环境息息相关。南非《劳工法》对劳工的过度保护以及社会治安问题、警察腐败等社会大环境,成为中国新移民面临困境的外部原因。  相似文献   

13.
The promotion of the German language abroad and of German Studies plays a central role in German Foreign Cultural Policy. With regard to Sub-Saharan Africa, otherwise a peripheral region for foreign policy, German as foreign language is firmly established as second language after English. Learners especially in Francophone West and Central Africa have increased over the past decade. Numerous funding programmes and actions are supported by German nongovernmental organizations at college/university levels. But bilateral cooperation between German and African academic institutions are challenged both by negative perceptions of the ‘Global South’ among Western colleagues and by an infrastructure adverse to research and to career development in most African countries. Additionally, North/South relations are traditionally seen in terms of (under-)development by German institutions, effecting cooperation. The paper develops a differentiated picture of African Studies in Africa, and outlines benefits that can be attained through collaboration ‘at eye-level’.  相似文献   

14.
Over the course of the 1960s, Portugal, Rhodesia, and South Africa, hard-pressed by African nationalist movements and international opinion, grew closer together, realising that their common enemies could only be defeated by a common stance. The most important attempt to meet the threat to white political domination in Southern Africa was Exercise ALCORA, a military understanding negotiated, in secret, in October 1970. From then until the Portuguese Revolution in 1974, regular meetings of the representatives of the three countries’ armed forces pooled intelligence and defined new strategies for the on-going conflicts in Rhodesia, Angola, and Mozambique, and put in train plans for future, larger-scale clashes. This article examines the origins of ALCORA, charting the process by which Lisbon, Salisbury, and Pretoria came together despite considerable obstacles. It highlights the importance of domestic factors, notably in South Africa, ALCORA's senior partner. There, the murder in 1966 of Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd led to a circumstance wherein leading figures of the regime enjoyed much greater freedom in the definition of policy than before. One beneficiary was Defence Minister P. W. Botha who, with the army's backing, would develop a total strategy against what was perceived as a total threat. Exercise ALCORA was a key component of this strategy.  相似文献   

15.
Though often marginalised in histories of the Second World War, South Africa, in addition to contributing manpower and economic support to the Allied war effort, was a transport hub and a site for military training. Millions of Allied servicemen and women spent time in South Africa, which became an important node in both imperial and Allied wartime networks. Examining the varied experiences of Allied personnel of colour in South Africa, with a focus on the Māori battalion, this essay, working towards a transnational social history of the conflict, highlights the ways in which wartime hospitality both reflected and subverted ideologies and practices of racial segregation.  相似文献   

16.
This article investigates how concepts from the field of public policy, in particular the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) initially introduced by Sabatier and Jenkins‐Smith, can be applied to the study of foreign policy analysis. Using a most similar comparative case studies design, we examine Switzerland's foreign policy toward South Africa under apartheid for the period from 1968 to 1994 and compare it with the Swiss position toward Iraq after the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1990, when the Swiss government imposed—for the first time—comprehensive economic sanctions against another state. The application of the ACF shows that a dominant advocacy coalition in Swiss foreign policy toward South Africa prevented a major policy change in Swiss–South African relations despite external pressure from the international and national political levels. Actually, quite the opposite could be observed: Swiss foreign policy increased its persistence in not taking economic sanctions against the racist regime in South Africa during the 1980s and early 1990s. The ACF, with its analytical focus on policy subsystems and the role of external shocks as potential triggers for change, provided a useful framework for analyzing the factors for policy change and stasis in Swiss foreign relations toward the selected two countries.  相似文献   

17.
论文聚焦中国对非援助与对非直接投资的不确定性关系,将援助细分为社会基础设施援助、实物资本援助、经济基础设施援助、政府和民间社会援助四种类型,构建了援助与投资的解析模型;基于中国对非洲52个国家的援助项目数和直接投资项目数,利用分位数回归方法,分别考察了中国对非援助项目总量及各类型援助在对非直接投资项目中的作用。研究发现:①中国对非援助集中在东非、南非,援助项目总数、各类型援助项目数、对非直接投资项目的空间分布具有很高的相似性。②中国对非援助类型结构相对均衡,对非援助在中国对非直接投资中发挥着先锋促进效应。其中,经济基础设施援助的促进效应强劲、稳定,且强度随分位数提高有浅U型变动特征;实物资本援助、社会基础设施援助的促进作用分别在对非直接投资项目少、中等数量下促进效果显著;政府和民间援助的促进作用不显著。③友好城市关系、出口关系与双边政治关系分别仅在中国对非直接投资项目较少、中等规模、大规模情形下显著,空间关系的影响不显著。④受援国人口规模的促进影响最清晰、最稳健;成本规避、资源寻求、受援国的投资环境质量和腐败状况的影响尚不清晰。中国在非投资有追随他国投资区位的倾向,但这一倾向仅在经济基础设施模型中显著。  相似文献   

18.
日本“走入非洲”的石油能源战略   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
非洲石油经济的依附性发展是日本“走入非洲”石油能源战略出台和实施的重要原因之一。具体表现为:非洲产油国以石油开采和出口为主的依附性经济结构是石油资源极度匮乏的日本出台这一战略的主要原因;非洲产油国工业制成品严重依附发达国家,是以出口为制造业主导的日本出台这一战略的重要原因;非洲产油国对发达国家的财政依附及依附性的转化,则是这一战略出台和实施的重要条件。不考虑其他因素,单从非洲石油经济的依附性发展角度看,日本“走入非洲”石油能源战略的前景并非一片光明,而是喜忧参半,前途未卜。  相似文献   

19.
The experiences of post‐apartheid South Africa have often been used to open dialogue about Northern Ireland and the possible approaches to dealing with the legacy of the conflict. People in Northern Ireland have, for example, looked towards the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission and policing in South Africa for further insights. This comparison of South Africa and Northern Ireland has now moved beyond being concerned predominantly with conflict resolution and has come to bear in the consideration of how we should present the history of the Troubles in Northern Ireland’s museums and the value of preserving the built heritage of the Troubles. This paper uses the example of the ‘transformation’ in the South African heritage sector that came with the end of apartheid as a means to raise areas of concern that have resonance for Northern Ireland. It shows that for both Northern Ireland and South Africa it is important to think further about the impact of display, the power dynamics embedded in the construction of heritage, and the complexity of building a shared narrative from a contested past.  相似文献   

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