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贵霜帝国在迦腻色伽一世统治时期力量最为强盛,后来由于内乱导致分裂,开始衰落。贵霜帝国的衰落与其强盛时期的各种文化、宗教形态并存所导致的潜在矛盾有关。贵霜帝国分裂后,民众不得不踏上归籍故乡、逆丝绸之路东归的漫漫长路。回归的大月氏人及其后裔从事文化建设、翻译佛经和传教等活动,对中西文化交流影响极大。其遗迹在于阗、鄯善、敦煌、西安、洛阳等地均有发现。  相似文献   

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中国丝绸西销导致罗马帝国经济衰落说是学界较为流行的一种观点。梳理这一观点的源流、脉络,分析这一观点所依赖的基础,是探究的重点。研究的最后结论是:进入罗马的中国丝绸不但数量少,而且对帝国经济的影响非常有限,根本无法撼动罗马帝国的根基。  相似文献   

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20世纪是"帝国崩溃的世纪",国内外学者们对帝国学和帝国的关注度逐渐提高。本文将立足于帝国学的角度,分析帝国的类型,并考察苏联的前身——俄罗斯帝国的形成过程及其特点,指出俄国斯帝国是一个中央集权的强大的非殖民帝国,在自身社会发展过程中结合了东方专制制度和欧洲专制主义的特性,是各民族团结的典范。  相似文献   

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none 《巴勒斯坦考察季》2013,145(2):118-124
Abstract

The paper deals with six recent studies which relate to the on-going debate over the chronology of the eleventh to the ninth century B.C.E. strata in the Levant and thus to the history of the region in the Iron Age. The paper takes issue with methodological problems relating to the questions of ethnographic comparison in archaeology, interpretation of biblical sources by archaeologists, pottery typology and dating. It offers a different interpretation of the finds at Hazor, Beth-shemesh, Tel Batash, Horbat Rosh Zait, and Bethsaida.  相似文献   

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成吉思汗建立了蒙古帝国,以千户制巩固了统治,国土横跨欧亚。至忽必烈在中原大地建立了蒙元王朝。1368年元朝灭亡后,众多蒙古人返回蒙古本土,与当地统治者发生权力斗争。蒙古本土也因无法为骤然增多的人口提供给养而导致经济崩溃。蒙古人不断侵扰明朝边境,迫使永乐皇帝率兵亲征,更加剧了蒙古困难局面。重建蒙古强力政权的努力一再破产。直至达延可汗,蒙古再现生机。  相似文献   

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New democracies attempting to implement political and economic reform simultaneously are considered to face a dilemma, as democratization may undermine economic reform by encouraging political participation and empowering interest groups that are unlikely to benefit from reform. This article compares relations between interest groups and the government under one‐party and multiparty rule in Zambia. Contrary to the assumptions of pluralist theory, the article argues that the influence of interest groups declined as a result of political and economic liberalization. Political liberalization in Zambia has so far resulted in a proliferation of civic associations and a weakening of corporatist links between the state and economic interest groups that had been granted some real influence in the previous authoritarian regime. This ‘pluralist paradox’ has meant, at least in the initial phases of multiparty rule, that interest group resistance has not constituted a significant threat to the sustainability of the reform programme, or to the electoral prospects of the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD).  相似文献   

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