儒家生态智慧的三维意蕴

生态文明思想是人类发展的规律性共识理念,具有中国特色与文化底蕴,是马克思主义生态文明思想与中国优秀传统文化的有机融合。儒家生态智慧关怀和尊重天地万物的思想意识,是将所有的生命与物种普遍纳入道德关怀之内。这种关怀是提升生命体悟和道德修养的境界,并对生态文明建设具有人性与道德层面的价值支撑。在对"天人关系"的体认中,儒家生态智慧以"天人和谐"为价值旨归,以"天人合一"为基本理念,形成了人与自然和谐共生的生态观念。这种生态观念表现为对待自然始终保持着一种"仁爱"之情,其"道德共同体"的价值取向同自然界的发展与人类社会和谐有序发展基本一致。同时,把自然的欣欣向荣视为政治、经济、社会、人文繁荣的风向标。     

生态安全建设中的生态伦理问题

通过对生态伦理学内涵的剖析,提出了加强生态伦理建设的基本对策,包括加强生态伦理教育,优化生态道德目标,健全生态道德规划,完善生态保护制度,加强生态道德控制,并大力开发生态型绿色产品。     

儒家孝论中的生态伦理观点

“孝”是中华民族基本的传统道德之一。儒家经典中不仅有论孝专《孝经》,而且在《论语》、《孟子》、《礼记》等作中也载有大量关于“孝”的论述。儒家孝论之意义和价值及其对当今社会道德建设的积极作用,已有人作过不少深入地研究。但是,对其中包含的一种超越个人、家庭、社会的道德要求、关系到人类整体生存与发展的生态伦理观点,却尚未给予足够的注意和重视。     

儒家生态意识特征论略

儒家不仅关注社会和谐,而且关心人与自然的和谐,由此产生了儒家生态意识。儒学是传统中国的主流意识形态,儒家生态意识诞生于中国传统社会,其生态意识具有既区别于现代生态伦理学、又有别于道家等其他传统生态意识的显著特征,这些特征贯穿于其发生、主张内容和实施要求等各个方面,从而将其生态意识落到实处,在中国古代的环境保护实践中产生了积极的作用。     

《论语》生态美学思想初探

在我国生态美学的研究中,或许是因为儒家侧重讲伦理政治而很少涉及生态和审美,人们就有无意识地将生态美学同道家、佛家思想联系起来,鲜有人去关注儒家生态美学思想,这就造成了儒家生态美学思想被忽视的局面。对此,文章从儒家经典《论语》出发,探寻儒家的生态美学智慧。     

大学生生态道德研究

在社会发展和人类文明进步的同时,全球性的生态危机也日趋加深,集中表现在人口数量太多和增长速度过快、资源日益枯竭和生态环境逐步恶化等。随着危机的加剧,生态道德问题也逐渐引起国际社会的重视。提倡生态道德教育,已作为很多国家解决生态问题的途径之一。大学生是民族的希望,是祖国的未来,是国家宝贵的人才资源。高校大学生作为生态道德教育的主要对象,其生态道德素质的高低直接决定着这个国家的生态道德水平。笔者通过研究提出解决生态危机背景下的大学生生态道德建设的对策。     

解读先秦儒家生态思想

建设生态文明,一方面我们要不断促进社会各方面的进步,另一方面我们还要不断研究和总结先哲给我们遗留下的宝贵理论财富。先秦儒家哲学中包含着丰富的生态思想,对于我们增强构建生态文明的自觉意识,提高构建生态文明的能力,具有重要的意义。     

公民道德建设之生态道德教育

在城市道德建设中,将公民生态道德教育纳入公民道德建设的重要范畴,通过生态道德教育,增强公民尊重自然、爱护生态环境的环保意识与生态道德责任感,使生态道德教育植根于公民道德思想体系中,是提高公民整体素质的有效途径。同时,在公民道德建设体系中注重生态道德教育是社会现代化发展的客观需要,是人类社会可持续发展的推动力量。关键词公民道德建设生态道德教育     

马克思主义生态伦理思想的现代启示

在全球生态问题相当严峻的国际大环境下,保护生态环境、加强人与自然关系中的道德建设显得尤为必要,本文通过对马克思主义生态伦理思想的再思考,结合当代全球范围的生态伦理问题,对我国应对全球生态治理的路径选择加以分析,有助于为我国共产党在参与国际生态环境治理机制及国内生态文明建设进程中提供方向性的指引。     

儒家文化与人类的生态伦理——解读儒家“天人合一”生态伦理思想

随着科学技术的不断进步,经济的飞速发展,环境污染、资源匮乏、生态失衡等一系列问题也日趋严重,这引起了人类的普遍关注和忧虑。于是有识之士把目光转向了中国儒家的“天人合一”的生态伦理思想,认真分析儒家文化给予我们的重要启示,力求建立一个经济建设与人口、资源、环境以及社会发展相协调的良性循环体系。     

Entangled Memories: How to Study Europe’s Cultural Heritage

A fruitful direction for research on the European cultural heritage is to adopt a transnational approach. Rather than see cultural heritage as predominantly expressed in national contexts, it could be seen as primarily transnational and as plural. Such a view would also suggest a conception of national histories as themselves products of transnational encounters. In this perspective, the European dimension is not then necessarily something over and above nations, but part of their heritage. Moreover, as fundamentally transnational, the European heritage is not exclusively confined to Europe. Cultural heritage is not something that is fixed or based on an essence; it is produced and reinterpreted by social actors in different but overlapping contexts. This is also an interpretative approach that draws attention to the entangled nature of memories and especially the cultural logic by which new conceptions and narratives of heritage emerge from the encounter and entanglement of different memories. Such an approach offers new opportunities for comparative research on the European heritage as an entangled mosaic of histories and memories. This approach thus rejects not only particularistic but also universalistic ones such as alternative Eurocentric accounts.     

The Eisenhower Administration: Bridge to the Institutionalized Legislative Presidency

Eisenhower's contributions to the modern presidency are primarily institutional and to some extent, stylistic: his reliance on the professionalism of civil servants in the Bureau of the Budget, his continuation of the annual programming process as well as the procedures for coordinating the executive branch's legislative role, his creation of a White House office to represent him on Capitol Hill, and his respect for Congress as a legislative body. What Eisenhower did not do is equally significant: he did not reject the model of an activist presidency, reverse the New and Fair Deal policies of his Democratic predecessors, or pursue his centrist agenda in a blatantly partisan manner. The Eisenhower experience demonstrates that incivility, inhumanity, and inanity are not inevitable consequences of divided government.     

THE REVEREND BAYES VS. JESUS CHRIST

The Bayesian perspective on historiography is commonsensical: If historiography is not certain like a priori knowledge or sense data, and it is not fiction, historiography is probable. Richard Carrier's book argues for a Bayesian, probabilistic interpretation of historiography in general and of the debate about the historicity of Jesus in particular. Jesus can be interpreted as a historically transmitted reference of “Jesus,” as a bundle of properties, or literally. Carrier devotes too much energy to debating literalism that confuses evidence with hypotheses. But evidence preserves information to different degrees; it is true or not. Carrier proposes to apply objective, frequentist Bayesianism in historiography despite the difficulties in assigning values. He argues that ranges of values can determine historiographical hypotheses. Carrier does not analyze in Bayesian terms the main method for Bayesian determination of posterior probabilities in historiography: inference from multiple independent sources. When the prior probability of a hypothesis is low, but at least two independent evidential sources, such as testimonies, support it, however unreliable each of the testimonies is, the posterior probability leaps. The problem with the Synoptic Gospels as evidence for a historical Jesus from a Bayesian perspective is that the evidence that coheres does not seem to be independent, whereas the evidence that is independent does not seem to cohere. Carrier's explanation of some the evidence in the Gospels is fascinating as the first Bayesian reconstruction of structuralism and mimesis. Historians attempted to use theories about the transmission and preservation of information to find more reliable parts of the Gospels, parts that are more likely to have preserved older information. Carrier is too dismissive of such methods because he is focused on hypotheses about the historical Jesus rather than on the best explanations of the evidence. I leave open questions about the degree of scholarly consensus and the possible reasons for it.     

Clientelism,Political Culture and Ethnic Politics in Australia

The discussion of political culture in Australia that exists focuses on the supposedly traditional traits of egalitarianism, utilitarianism, conformism, materialism and so on. While not wishing to deny the British influence on political institutions in Australia, to think that the massive nature of non-British postwar migration has not influenced political culture in Australia is not only naive but incorrect. In not paying attention to the impact of immigrants from NESB, political cultures and practices such as clientelism have not been the subject of Australian political discussion. Where ethnic participation in the political system has been examined, some have argued that it is based on corruption and has led political actors to deviate from national political and cultural norms. This paper argues that clientelism can provide a more useful and positive framework for understanding ethnic politics in Australia. After examining various views on political culture and ethnicity in Australia, this paper summarises some of the key points of recent approaches to clientelism. It suggests that clientelism has a positive face, especially as a form of representation for minority groups such as immigrants from NESB. The second section then describes the key features of clientelism in the Australian 'ethnic electorate'. It has evolved in ethnic electorates because of the process of ethnic community formation, the nature of case-work in ethnic electorates and the ability and willingness of political actors and parties to adapt their style to suit the environment.     

Chinese strategies in a US-hegemonic global order: accommodating and hedging

China's economic, political and military influence has been increasing at a time when the United States, as sole superpower, dominates the international order. This article outlines Chinese elite perspectives on the current global order and shows not only how these perceptions have affected China's policies towards the United States, but also how they have influenced China's regional and global policies more broadly. It argues that variants of realist logic that interpret Chinese behaviour as a form of balancing are not particularly helpful, and do not capture the essence of Chinese strategies that are underpinned by an overwhelming focus on its domestic development needs. The article posits that Chinese leaders have accepted that they operate in a unipolar order and have chosen not to stick out for negotiating positions that the United States would see as seriously detrimental to its interests. However, Beijing couples this accommodating approach with policies designed to ensure that, were relations seriously to deteriorate with Washington, China could draw on deepened regional and global ties to thwart any US effort to interrupt its domestic objectives. China's hope is that a more 'democratic' international order will emerge, which means not multipolarity as such but a 'concert of great powers system' that will operate to forge multilateral cooperation among the major states.     

Changelings: transformative perceptions of San José's street children, 1965-1981

Between 1965 and 1981, Costa Ricans changed their perceptions of which characteristics they thought defined appropriate urban childhoods. By 1981, the model of a modern, urban Costa Rican child was that of a child who attended school, did not work on the streets, and played in specifically designated places. Children who did not fit this mold began, in the late 1970s and early 1980s, to be viewed as dangerous to society and as evidencing social pathology. Whereas children who worked on the streets during the 1960s were considered part of the urban landscape, and their childhoods, though difficult, were not perceived as deviant, these same children, two decades later, were viewed as marginal and problematic. To trace this change, this article focuses on the changing perceptions about children on the streets that writers for and public contributors to La Nación, one of the preeminent Costa Rican newspapers, show during the sixteen-year period under analysis.     

《中国移民史》唐宋湖南移民实例考校

《中国移民史》列有109个唐宋湖南移民实例,本文对其中在史料和史实方面存在诸多问题的65例进行了考校,并归纳了其中存在的主要问题:一是对史料的理解与引用有误。这主要表现为一人误作二人,甲卷引作乙卷,姓名张冠李戴,牵强列入或列之无据,将移民与移民后裔相混淆,以及有关移民迁移的时间和地点等方面的问题。二是没有考察史料的史源。这主要表现在:引用后人史料,没注意到前人文献中已有相同的、甚至更为可靠的史料,没有甄别第一手资料和二手资料;没有考察相关史料,对引用史料中所提供的一些有关移民信息的线索没有追根溯源、旁征侧证。     

Spectres,monstres et fantômes: Les Chants de Maldoror et le spectacle de la fantasmagorie

As an introduction to his show in the Capucins' convent, Etienne Robertson states, "Gentlemen, the spectacle about to take place under your very eyes is not a frivolous one. It was created for the thinking man, for the philosopher who enjoys wandering among the tombs" (qtd. in Remise 41). The nineteenth century, and Robertson in particular, grant phantasmagoria a large place in history, even though the concept and the technique existed long before.

With such a success, it should not be surprising that phantasmagoria found its home in literature, especially in Isidore Ducasse's (Comte de Lautréamont's) texts. Indeed, Maldoror's Cantos, in which visual effects hold a significant place, seem to occur behind a thick fog that the reader appears to have difficulty escaping. Just as the spectacles of phantasmagoria are not meant for a "frivolous" audience, as Robertson said, the Cantos are not meant for a reader whom Lautréamont defines as "naive." This article will focus on the visual arts that were prevalent at the time and their influence on the Cantos. Using Roland Barthes's theory, the author shows that Maldoror's Cantos can be read as a spectacle of phantasmagoria in writing.     

Neither Cyclops nor Sophist: Christian Formation Against the State

Abstract

This article identifies a deep paradox at the heart of the modern state—in its ability and professed purposes to form the moral characters of its citizens—and then offers a Christian response. Were it not for the manifest success of states in persisting in this paradox, it would delegitimize them on grounds of incoherence and duplicity. In an argument that is occasionally Aristotelian, the article shows how modern (secular, liberal) states morally form citizens who willingly submit to the state's formation on grounds that the state has legitimacy so long as it does not claim moral authority. This line of reasoning is explicated with reference to Sheldon Wolin on Alexander Hamilton and feudalism as well as Martha Nussbaum on Aristotle. In response, Christian freedom, ecclesial peoplehood, and poverty not only run counter to state formation but positively resist it.     

Demographics,Innovative Outputs and Alliance Strategies of Canadian Biotech Firms

This paper focuses on the characteristics of biotech firms that consider alliances as critical to the innovation and commercialization of biotech-based products. First, we consider alliances with both universities and industries. Next, we examine attributes for those firms who consider proximity to universities as critical compared with others that do not put high value on physical proximity. Our study is informed by the literature on the biotechnology industry as well as studies on absorptive capacity, alliances and clusters in exploration and exploitation of knowledge, research and technologies. We analyse data based on a 2002 survey of Canadian biotech firms and find that while collaborative arrangements with universities are the most common among our sample firms, those who assign a high value to such linkages are not necessarily always the biotech firms experiencing commercial success.