解放战争时期胡适的政治思想与政治主张

胡适认为世界文化的主流和方向是争民主、争自由,自由主义是可以促进社会文明进步的理论,国民党已经开始向民主政治靠拢;他大力宣传自由主义,在国共斗争中支持国民党,反对共产党的政治理论和政权制度.     

被蒋介石"骂死"的"铁老"

吴铁城是国民党的一代元老。抗战时期,他曾提出“一寸山河一寸血,十万青年十万军”这旬在当时的知识青年中广泛流传的话,而“不到东北,不知东北之博大;不到东北,不知东北之危机”更是成为传颂一时、流行全国的名言。     

友党不友:1947年国民政府改组之政党杯葛

1946年底国民党召开"制宪国大"后,不顾中共与民盟的抵制,于1947年拉拢民社党与青年党两"友党"进行政府改组,组成多党联合执政。民、青两党试图利用此次机会积极参与政治。青年党要求甚多,民社党意见分歧。蒋介石面对政党杯葛,为迅速完成政府改组,被迫多方沟通,妥协退让。国民党虽完成了改组,并继续占据政府主体地位,却不得不分身处理复杂的政党关系。政府改组加剧了国民党内外政党纷争,政局更为不稳,国民党政府进一步走向虚弱。     

“最大变数”王金平

“陈水扁企图用他解套,李登辉拟借他壮大‘第三势力’,国民党希望他忠于本党”台湾“立法院长”、国民党副主席王金平,最近成了台湾政坛“最火爆”的人物:就在国民党开始党内初选的节骨眼上,一向谨言慎行的他突然向“自家兄弟”——前国民党主席马英九和国民党发难,使岛内民众大跌眼镜。不少人惊呼:王金平越来越像“雾里花”、“水中月”,虚实难辨。     

前恭后倨:胡适与北伐期间国民党的“党化政治”

前恭后倨：胡适与北伐期间国民党的“党化政治”罗志田胡适在１９２８—１９２９年间曾与新执政的国民党有过一段尖锐的冲突，学术界对此已有一些颇具分量的研究成果。①但一般被认为是自由主义知识分子代表的胡适在１９２６—１９２７年间曾一度对国民革命主动呼应、多有...     

“大自由主义者”聂绀弩

周恩来称他是“大自由主义者”聂绀弩落拓不羁,我行我素,不拘小节,周恩来说他是“大自由主义者”。有人说,若论武略,聂绀弩可以为将;如论文才,他可以为相。单看一看他青年时代的传奇生涯,这一判断就不为过了。聂绀弩出生于湖北京山县城关镇,在读     

“国民党教父”魂归家乡湖州始末

在中国近代史上,陈果夫是一位不可忽略的人物。他曾经是国民党“C·C”系首脑,历任国民党中央常委兼组织部部长,第三、四、五、六届国民党中央执行委员,中央常务委员．中央政治会汉委员等一系列高职,长期掌管国民党党务系统,可谓权倾一时。他与其弟陈立夫进入国民党权力中枢,把持人事和组织大权,成为民国时期最有名的一对兄弟,遂有“蒋家天下陈家党”的特殊政治格局。     

“民国奇人”张静江

没有他就没有辛亥革命的早日成功；没有他就没有蒋介石在国民党内的迅速崛起；他是20世纪初江浙财团的四大亨之一；孙中山称他为“二兄”、“中华第一奇人”；毛泽东称他是“有经济眼光”的人——他就是“民国奇人”张静江。     

《独立评论》时期胡适对孙中山政治思想的解读

《独立评论》时期,胡适一改1929～1930年间发生"人权之争"时全面批判孙中山政治思想的立言方式,转而全面、深入地阐释孙中山政治思想的积极意义,并努力将之揉入自由主义的价值体系内来审视。胡适对孙中山政治思想态度的转变,表层上是源于他期望弥合与国民党之间的关系,而更深层的原因则是他的民族主义激情对自由主义理想形成了强大的冲击。     

张静江评析

张静江是一个在中华民国史、国民党史甚至中国革命史上都颇有影响的人物。他是国民党第一届中央执行委员,二至六届中央监察委员,二届二中全会上当选中央执行委员会主席,曾历任广州、武汉、南京国民政府常务委员、建设委员会主席、浙江省主席等要职。他既曾追随孙中山大力赞助国民革命,又与蒋介石关系极为密切,助其攫取党国最高权力。他功过兼有、情况复杂、单色一笔很难勾画其全貌。而以往史书对他多以“国民党老右派张静江”一语带过,缺乏全面深入的考察、研究。本文拟对张静江其人作一初步研究、评述,以期引起史学界同人的关注。     

汪精卫对日求和的政治环境及其思想脉络

汪精卫对于抗战从悲观失望发展为公开主和,有其思想演变的脉络,也有促成其思想演变的国际、国内环境。汪精卫反对国民党采取"远交近攻"的外交战略,不信任英美对中国抗战的援助,并在日本与苏联之间,选择了亲日、反苏。汪不相信国民党能在既反日、又不依附苏联、也得不到英美支持的情况下,建立起一个独立自主的国家。并坚信他的求和主张能在政军两界激起普遍"回响"。这是他不惜离渝而对日求和的根本原因。     

中共三大以后莫斯科召回马林原因探讨

作为国共合作的首倡者马林,为什么在中共三大以后国共合作从现实层面即将全面启动之时却失宠于莫斯科而被召回?其原因是,马林在对张作霖的评价和中东铁路权益的归属问题上．与苏俄领导人产生了意见分歧;中共三大以后,马林在推动孙中山下决心改组国民党、全面实施国共合作战略方面,力不从心,收效甚微;而中共党内一直存在着反对马林的力量,也是不容忽视的因素。     

抗战胜利后蒋介石对宪政的态度

随着抗战进入尾声,蒋介石对宪政的态度由消极变为积极,而战后的新形势和日益临近的宪政对其政治策略产生了重大影响。政协会议上,蒋对中共和中间势力做出重大让步。政协决议对国民党宪政设计的更改,在国民党内激起轩然大波,蒋发觉事态发展已出乎自己预料之外。国民党六届二中全会上,蒋对宪政的态度暗中转变。在蒋的默许下,国民党虽未公开撕毁政协决议,但政协决议事实上已不能为国民党所执行。会后,蒋介石受党内强硬势力影响,对宪政的态度从温和的积极一变而为强硬的积极。中共态度也随之强硬,最终国共两党在宪政问题上分道扬镳。     

Duke Richard of York's intentions in I450 and the origins of the wars of the roses

The return of Richard, duke of York, from Ireland in 1450 represents his first overt attempt to remedy certain grievances. His criticism of the Lancastrian régime eventually brought him leadership in the Wars of the Roses. The grivances of 1450 are contained in two bills addressed to Henry VI. At first, the duke harboured personal grievances — fear of attainder and having his claim to the throne bypassed, resentment at his counsel being ignored and his debts unpaid — which were exaguerated by unsertainty and the king's readiness to believe the worst. Richards apreciation of the widespread hostility towards the government and the disarray of the king's Household after Suffolk's murder enabled him to convert grievances into public criticisms in his second bill. He encouraged investigations into official oppression in southeastern England, and his supporters may have stimulated risings there to demonstrate support for him. Compared with Henry's nervous reaction to York's first bill, he firmly checkmated the pretensions of the second, and Yorks achievement in 1450 was limited. But he had taken a first step towards appealing for support by converting personal grievances into a general bid for sympathy. Whether he aid so for personal or public motives — or both — remains an open question.     

Duke Richard of York's intentions in I450 and the origins of the wars of the roses

The return of Richard, duke of York, from Ireland in 1450 represents his first overt attempt to remedy certain grievances. His criticism of the Lancastrian régime eventually brought him leadership in the Wars of the Roses. The grivances of 1450 are contained in two bills addressed to Henry VI. At first, the duke harboured personal grievances — fear of attainder and having his claim to the throne bypassed, resentment at his counsel being ignored and his debts unpaid — which were exaguerated by unsertainty and the king's readiness to believe the worst. Richards apreciation of the widespread hostility towards the government and the disarray of the king's Household after Suffolk's murder enabled him to convert grievances into public criticisms in his second bill. He encouraged investigations into official oppression in southeastern England, and his supporters may have stimulated risings there to demonstrate support for him. Compared with Henry's nervous reaction to York's first bill, he firmly checkmated the pretensions of the second, and Yorks achievement in 1450 was limited. But he had taken a first step towards appealing for support by converting personal grievances into a general bid for sympathy. Whether he aid so for personal or public motives — or both — remains an open question.     

丁文江政治思想述论

丁文江对政治有着强烈的兴趣。他一生议政、参政可以分为三个阶段：第一阶段是留学时期,这一时期他喜欢阅读《新民丛报》,与康有为、吴稚晖等人有过来往。第二阶段是在五四时期到1926年底,这时期他与梁启超、胡适等人关系密切,在《努力周报》发表了大量文字,出任淞沪商埠督办公署总办,表现了积极参政的倾向。第三阶段是在1930年代,丁文江在《独立评论》上发表了大量时评政论和旅行游记,充分表达了自己的政治思想。丁文江虽有政治热情,且具行政才干,但却缺乏意识形态和政党的背景,这实际限制了他在政治上的作为。     

Stewart,Kant, and the Reworking of Common Sense

Summary

Dugald Stewart was the first metaphysician of any significance in Britain who attempted to take account of Kantian philosophy, although his analysis appears generally dismissive. Traditionally this has been imputed to Stewart's poor understanding of Kant and to his efforts to defend the orthodoxy of common sense. This paper argues that, notwithstanding Stewart's reading, Kant's philosophy helped him in a reconsideration and reassessment of common sense philosophy. In his mature works—the Philosophical Essays (1810), the second volume of the Elements of the Philosophy of the Human Mind (1814), and the second part of his historical ‘Dissertation? (1815–1821)—Stewart's analysis of Kantian philosophy is far from being uniform. In the first two works, he takes a cautious approach to transcendentalism, showing some interest in the challenge it might represent for common sense; in the last, he turns to rash criticism. This change may appear confusing and inconsistent unless considered in the light of a precise ‘nationalistic’ strategy. In fact, once Stewart had taken from Kantian philosophy what he deemed useful for his own aims, he eventually dismissed it in order to show that his reworked version of common sense was the most original and most consistent outcome of the whole Anglo-Scottish philosophical tradition.     

试论《语丝》时期江绍原的“天癸观”研究

在民俗学研究中国化的早期阶段,江绍原是最先引进国外人类学方法系统研究中国礼俗迷信的拓荒者,他对中国人“天癸观”的研究特别引人注目。当时处于民俗学运动中心的江绍原在成为《语丝》周刊主要撰稿人之后,开始扩大范围征集有关月经的礼俗迷信材料,取得了一定的成绩。尽管后来他计划写作的《血与天癸》不幸夭折,但他在月经礼俗迷信研究方面的大胆尝试具有深远的学术影响。     

南京国民政府时期国民党中央与立法院关系的变迁

南京国民政府时期,国民党中央与立法院之间的关系较为复杂。在不同的历史阶段上,二者关系有所变化。训政前期,国民党中央通过立法原则等手段直接控制立法院;抗战期间,控制更为直接,立法院的立法权部分被替代。在这两个阶段上,立法院为维护立法权的行使,不断向国民党中央提出建议,表示异议,但未否决过国民党中央的决定,尚未表现出反控制的倾向。宪政准备期间,立法院出现了反控制倾向;至"行宪"后,国民党中央的控制力大为减弱,立法院独立性与反控制倾向显著增强。二者关系的变迁是在思想观念、法律制度、组织状况等因素的综合作用下发生的,其对立法权的运作及整个国民党政权都产生了重要影响。