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In the autumn months of 1992 a small team conducted an archaeological survey in southwest Yemen in search of Pleistocene sites dating back to the early colonisation of the Arabian peninsula. The survey focused on those escarpments and terraces with exposed Pleistocene sediments. The team discovered thirty-seven sites, most of them multicomponent, with sixteen having a pebble-tool industry called Mode 1 and twenty-seven with a bifacial industry called Mode 2. Both industries were represented side by side on some sites. These thirty-seven sites, together with others found in northern Arabia and eastern Yemen, contribute to the growing recognition of a Pleistocene occupation of the Arabian peninsula. 相似文献
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Ioannis Mantzikos PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2011,20(2):242-260
The scope of this study is to demonstrate that the failed state scheme of Somalia has not been and is not a safe haven for the al‐Qaeda, an issue that has been already displayed in Ken Menkhaus's excellent study (2004 ). Within this context, the article will consider the Somali Islamist political landscape in contrast and in relation to the current situation in Yemen, and thus, it aims to support the premise that weak states, such as Yemen, rather than “collapsed” states, can be incubators of international terrorism. In addition, while studying the interactions between Somalia and Yemen, we will attempt to answer some other important questions arising from this relationship: (1) does the emergence of al‐Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and al‐Shabaab have potential convergence; and (2) why is piracy a cross‐border phenomenon and how is it connected to radical Islamism? 相似文献
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JEAN-FRANÇOIS BRETON AUGUSTA M. McMAHON DAVID A WARBURTON 《Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy》1998,9(1):90-111
In 1984 a Franco-Yemeni Mission excavating a part of the necropolis of Hajar am-Dhaybiyya (Governate of Shabwa, Yemen), unearthed several tombs with a rich inventory. The high quality of silver craftmanship of these objects suggested that the Wâdî Dura'was potentially interesting. Some years later a Franco-American expedition, directed both by J.-F. Breton and D.W. Warburton, started a trench on the mound of Hajar am-Dhaybiyya. A 40 metre-long trench was opened during the first two seasons (1992 and 1993) which revealed an architectural sequence of four main levels. Level IV was dominated by a large'Maison principale'connected with a stone Glacis, dated to the first centuries AD. Level V showed'maisons basses'and earlier structures. For the first time in this area, the trench shows definitively that the principal buildings of the settlement form a nearly continuous defensive line crowning the top of the tell, and that it follows an earlier line. 相似文献
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《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2013,54(5):567-572
A senior American specialist on China and noted geographer evaluates the merits of an essay by an equally prominent specialist who advocates reflexive activism as a method designed to generate more relevant studies of the country. The author of the evaluation stresses the value of empirically based work, noting a number of contributions by geographers to the study of China's transition from doctrinaire communism to "socialism with Chinese characteristics." While not denying the need for geographical research focused on deficiencies in social and environmental justice, he is not in favor of excessive activism that may overlook advances in economic development and related accomplishments of China's governing regime. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: P30. 24 references. 相似文献
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Mahjoob Zweiri PhD 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2016,25(1):4-18
This article examines the role of Iran in Yemen within the context of Arab‐Iranian relations. It also examines the debate on the involvement of Iran in the ongoing political developments in Iraq, Lebanon, and Syria. The article focuses on the Houthi Movement in Yemen, its origin, growth and political expansion. It also investigates its relations with Iran and its allies in the region, and discusses other factors that strengthened its political image in Yemen. The article also provides an early assessment of the implication of the Decisive Storm military led by Saudi Arabia. 相似文献
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THOMAS JUNEAU 《International affairs》2016,92(3):647-663
For years, mounting instability had led many to predict the imminent collapse of Yemen. These forecasts became reality in 2014 as the country spiralled into civil war. The conflict pits an alliance of the Houthis, a northern socio‐political movement that had been fighting the central government since 2004, alongside troops loyal to a former president, Ali Abdullah Saleh, against supporters and allies of the government overthrown by the Houthis in early 2015. The war became regionalized in March 2015 when a Saudi Arabia‐led coalition of ten mostly Arab states launched a campaign of air strikes against the Houthis. According to Saudi Arabia, the Houthis are an Iranian proxy; they therefore frame the war as an effort to counter Iranian influence. This article will argue, however, that the Houthis are not Iranian proxies; Tehran's influence in Yemen is marginal. Iran's support for the Houthis has increased in recent years, but it remains low and is far from enough to significantly impact the balance of internal forces in Yemen. Looking ahead, it is unlikely that Iran will emerge as an important player in Yemeni affairs. Iran's interests in Yemen are limited, while the constraints on its ability to project power in the country are unlikely to be lifted. Tehran saw with the rise of the Houthis a low cost opportunity to gain some leverage in Yemen. It is unwilling, however, to invest larger amounts of resources. There is, as a result, only limited potential for Iran to further penetrate Yemen. 相似文献