全国百家名旅晋中对策:“联横” 2006年中国将向国外开放旅游市场

<正> 2005年11月21日至23日,来自全国近百家知名旅行社(旅游公司)的老总齐聚山西省晋中市,参加中华旅业联盟第六届年会,并考察山西省精品旅游线路。2006年,中国将向国外开放旅游市场,届时,将有大批外国旅行社(旅游公司)进入中国,直接参与中国旅游市场的经营活动。面对机遇和挑战,中国的旅行社如何壮大实力、发展自己,成了当前不可忽视而又急待解决的问题,因此,组建联盟、办好联合体就显得十分重要。年会总结了一年来的联盟工作,选举、产生了新一届联盟组织机构,提出了2006年联盟工作思路,力争用两到三年的时间,把中华旅业联盟办成中国最具特色、最有信誉和影响力的旅游联合体。     

中国旅游精品线路

<正>春季篇龙之旅中青旅联盟中华旅业联盟全国"好之旅"网络旅游联合体中国老年旅游联合体中国教育旅游集团全国"幸福之旅"旅游联合体河北省旅行社联盟     

旅行社管理中的品牌化经营战略

随着我国旅游行业的进一步发展,旅行社的市场发展也愈加的蓬勃,从实际出发加强旅行社的管理,对我国的旅游业的进一步发展也有着积极意义。实际的管理过程中,最为重要的就是树立良好的品牌,这样就比较有利于品牌经营战略发展目标的实现。基于此,本文主要就我国在旅行社管理中的品牌化经营战略的重要性以及存在的问题加以分析,然后结合实际对旅行社管理的品牌化经营战略的发展策略进行详细探究,希望能通过此次理论研究,对旅行社的管理发展有所裨益。     

旅游信息

北京市成立全国首个"智慧旅游"联盟全国首个"智慧旅游联盟"——北京"智慧旅游"联盟正式成立。联盟由部分星级旅游饭店、A级旅游景区、旅行社和部分市级民俗旅游村、科研院校、规划设计单位、科技企业及网络媒体等各相关业态领军单位共同发起成立。随着首都现     

中国旅游精品线路

<正>·龙之旅·中青旅联盟·中华旅业联盟·全国“好之旅”网络旅游联合体·中国老年旅游联合体·中国教育旅游集团·全国“幸福之旅”旅游联合体·河北省旅行社联盟     

关于我国旅行社组织结构高度战略化的思考

战略管理是现阶段我国旅行社经营管理中的一个薄弱环节。由于战略管理需要有合适的组织结构作为保证,因此,本文提出了调整我国旅行社组织结构以加强其战略管理的三项措施：一、加强团队建设;二、组建战略管理项目小组;三、建立信息系统部。     

分析民营旅行社经营现状及对策——以湖北民营旅行社为例

本文以民营企业——湖北民营旅行社为例,分析其战略品牌经营和整合湖北旅游市场的发展现状。针对民营旅行社的发展历史,就其在现阶段经营战略上存在的不足,建议民营旅行社在市场竞争中要不断的调整产业结构,建立和完善同行合作机制,不断优化企业资源配制,营造一个更和谐的发展环境。     

分析民营旅行社经营现状及对策——以湖北民营旅行社为例

本文以民营企业——湖北民营旅行社为例,分析其战略品牌经营和整合湖北旅游市场的发展现状。针对民营旅行社的发展历史,就其在现阶段经营战略上存在的不足,建议民营旅行社在市场竞争中要不断的调整产业结构,建立和完善同行合作机制,不断优化企业资源配制,营造一个更和谐的发展环境。     

中国·秦皇岛·北戴河碧螺塔酒吧公园摄影大展征稿启事

<正> 主办单位:《旅游纵览》杂志社、秦皇岛北戴河碧螺塔酒吧公园协办单位:中华旅业联盟、河北旅行社联盟、《旅游纵览》摄影俱乐部、秦皇岛市摄影家协会组委会:顾问:范怀良(《旅游纵览》杂志社     

INTERNET环境支持下的旅游业信息管理——以旅行社为例

21世纪是信息经济、知识经济的世纪,信息产业将会成为促进未来社会发展与进步的第一大产业。本文从信息、信息经济与旅行社的相关性、信息对旅行社经营运作的影响入手,对在信息以网络为载体的时代中旅行社的经营战略进行试探性的讨论。旅行社作为旅游业的主要服务载体之一,其对外及其内部的信息联通对旅行社的经营管理来说,是至关重要的。在网络配置没有普及以前,信息的准确性、时效性都相对来说较差。互联网环境下(INTERNET)可以提高信息的准确性、时效性,管理者可以就此做出准确的判断,准确进行战略经营管理。     

少数民族地区旅游发展的战略联盟与网络构建——以广东连南瑶族自治县为例

本文根据战略联盟和战略网络理论,以广东连南瑶族自治县为例,探讨了少数民族地区旅游发展的战略联盟与网络构建。文章认为连南县旅游发展战略联盟应考虑旅游的前竞争联盟、后竞争联盟和竞争性联盟,在此基础上,构建连南县的旅游战略网络。     

Strategic Alliances in Action: Toward a Theory of Evolution

The popularity and prevalence of strategic alliances for problem solving has been well documented in research on the corporate sector and public policy. However, there has been limited work to date on building a comprehensive theory about the evolutionary process of alliances. The purpose of this article is to synthesize current research on alliance development in order to develop a model of strategic alliance evolution. The theoretical model is built with ideas from prior research as well as findings from our own recent research on alliances in education. We conducted a national study of strategic alliances in charter schools focused on uncovering the process of evolution—including how alliances are initiated, operated, and evaluated—and the various internal and external factors that influence alliance development and progress. Our findings offer a model of strategic alliance evolution and provide direction for future research.     

Does a multi‐tier NATO matter? The Atlantic alliance and the process of strategic change

This year NATO will celebrate its 60th anniversary. So far the world's most powerful military alliance has been a remarkable success story. However, as the first decade of the new century draws to a close there appears to be a widening strategic rift among the allies. ‘Two‐tier NATO’ is by now an established piece of shorthand in international strategic debate to indicate an ‘alliance à la carte’ divided into two or more factions of member states with divergent interests. Evidently, the alliance increasingly struggles to reach consensus on a whole range of strategic issues. So is NATO on a path to disintegration and, ultimately, to failure? This article argues that the organization has developed from a fixed ‘two‐tier’ into a rather fluid ‘multi‐tier’ alliance. On many issues the alliance is in fact divided into several different camps that are pushing in different directions. Thus, allies can be grouped into one of three tiers: a ‘reformist’, a ‘status‐quo’ and a ‘reversal’‐oriented one. While the evolution of such a multi‐tier alliance will not inevitably result in NATO's demise unmanaged, this manifestation of camps will continuously disrupt the organization's strategic agility. The article finds that if NATO is to maintain strategic vitality, it needs to develop new institutional mechanisms and establish a consensus on its strategic posture in the changing international order and to make ‘variable geometry’ work.     

More flexible,less coherent: NATO after Lisbon

At its 2010 Lisbon summit, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) took significant steps towards becoming a modern alliance. In the face of a changing security environment and divergent strategic interests among 28 members, NATO adapted its strategic concept and reformed its way of formulating strategy. The new strategic concept advances conflict management as a core task for the alliance. In combination with a greater emphasis on developing partnerships, NATO conceptually strengthened its profile as a global security actor. The summit also reflected a new approach to formulating NATO strategy by providing the Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen with a strong role in setting the strategic agenda. Indeed, he assumed a more supranational function rather than acting as a representative of all allies. But as the Libya operation demonstrates, NATO will struggle to maintain cohesion in an increasingly ‘polycentric’ alliance. While the focus on conflict management will make the alliance more flexible, it will also become a less coherent global security actor.     

持久的不均衡:战后美日、美韩联盟比较研究

美日、美韩联盟自其在冷战中形成以来,便在美国的亚太联盟战略考量中具有不均衡的地位。美日联盟长期以来是美国亚太战略的核心,具有更高的战略和政治价值,而美韩联盟则更多的是一种军事联盟,主要目的是为了对付直接的军事威胁。缘此,在后冷战时代,美日、美韩联盟继续呈现出不同的演变方式,美日联盟继续深化扩展,而美韩联盟则表现出越来越漂移不定的状态。     

中苏同盟与战略利益的选择

中苏同盟是战后雅尔塔格局的产物 ,同时又对这一格局的发展产生了重要影响。中苏同盟的演变反映了战后国际关系的深刻变化 ,其实质则是中苏在战略利益上的选择。本文从战后国际格局和国家利益的角度 ,对中苏在结盟中的战略利益选择问题作了分析     

Substantiating the cohesion of the post-cold war US–Japan alliance

Notwithstanding current disarray, the post-cold war US–Japan alliance has enjoyed its most cohesive status in its history. Japan altered its passive cold war alliance policy and became a more active and equal partner with the United States. Even though there exist many explanations of what has caused this cohesiveness, there is hardly any attempt to substantiate the level of alliance cohesion itself. The purpose of this essay is to demonstrate the cohesion of this alliance by employing concrete operational indicators: homogeneity in goals, threat perception, strategic compatibility and command structure. By investigating how these operational indicators have changed over time, the author proves substantially that the post-cold war US–Japan alliance has developed more cohesively.     

‘An ally for all the years to come’: why Australia is not a conflicted US ally

In 2011, Australia communicated a clear choice about its strategic future. It would continue to cleave tightly to the US alliance, expand its military links and work to advance the USA's conception of regional order. Given its economic interests, why has Australia bound itself to the US alliance? What lies behind this strong commitment and what would it take for Australia to change its relationship with the USA? This article presents an analysis of the current state of the US–Australia alliance and argues that Canberra's pursuit of close relations with the USA reflects the interaction of a rational calculation of the costs and benefits of the alliance with a set of resolutely political factors that have produced the current policy setting. The article first assesses the security cost and benefit behind the alliance. It then argues that the move also derives from the strong domestic support for the US alliance, a sharpened sense that China's rise was generating regional instability that only the US primacy could manage and the realisation that the economic fallout of such a move would be minimal. It concludes with a brief reflection on what it might take to change the current policy settings.     

冷战时期美国对埃塞俄比亚的政策演变——以卡格纽通讯站为中心的历史考察

冷战两极格局的形成促使美国把非洲之角纳入其大中东战略,并选择与埃塞俄比亚结为军事防御联盟,其中作为主要纽带的卡格纽通讯站就是两国关系的晴雨表。美国政府主要根据对该基地的战略需要程度决定对埃塞俄比亚军事援助的规模与速度。而埃塞俄比亚皇帝塞拉西以稳定政权统治及应对周边威胁为根本目标,将之视为向美国索取更多军事援助的筹码。随着美苏关系的缓和、卫星技术的突破以及迪戈加西亚军事基地的兴建,卡格纽通讯站的作用迅速下降,美埃(塞)关系处于崩溃边缘。然而,由于苏联大规模介入非洲之角以及埃塞俄比亚革命的爆发,美国转而强调埃(塞)的地缘战略意义,并在加速运送已承诺的军事援助基础上采取了观望政策。最终,门格斯图革命政权因意识形态以及急需大量武器以应对来自厄立特里亚和索马里的威胁,而选择了苏东集团,与美国的联盟关系随之破裂。     

基于核心资源视角的古城镇家庭旅馆竞合模型研究——以信任、战略联盟为中介变量

本文通过对凤凰古城117家家庭旅馆的实证研究,发现家庭旅馆的核心资源通过信任、战略联盟对竞合关系产生综效,其中物质核心资源的作用仅限于促成结盟,社会核心资源进一步影响竞合关系的结构及竞合形态的转换。进一步比较信任、战略联盟在模型中的价值和中介作用,结果显示目前家庭旅馆的竞合行为还处于初级阶段,经营者对竞合关系的选择较大程度上依赖于人际互信。